Introduction

Gender, power and emotion

This volume’s intention is not to re-theorize the history of emotions but to explore the entangled relationships of gender, emotion and power by drawing on a multitude of case studies worldwide. Thus far, the accomplishments of studies of gender within the history of emotion have been extensive, far exceeding emotion history’s recognition within the discipline. Historians of love and marriage in particular have skilfully interrogated historical interactions between the self and others in public and private life in emotional vocabularies and behaviours.²⁰ They have illuminated the links between emotion, selfhood and subjectivity in historical performances of gender roles through emotional behaviours.²¹ Scholarship has also historicized, and mapped a future for, the integration of scientific and historical inquiry into the emotions.²² Recent studies have also established sophisticated integrations of the history of emotions into what Rosenwein calls ‘regular’ histories, employing emotions as a lens through which to reconsider, for example, work, family, war and generational cohorts.²³ This volume attends to the questions generated by this body of work and scrutinizes the constructions of these roles and vocabularies from the bottom up, interrogating the political implications of those intersections of gender, emotion and power.

An explicit consideration of power relations in connection with emotions history illuminates the work done by emotions to stratify populations, without aligning social groups with particular emotions. By identifying diverse emotional responses within groups, we can complicate perceptions of social groups, as well as stepping back to identify the emotional exchanges present in their categorization, or to consciously perform or subvert anticipated emotional expression, as the activists in Olga Andreevskikh’s study in Chapter 2 demonstrate. In this sense, ‘emotions can create or reproduce subordination, but can also unravel it’.²⁴ Of course, power has been conceived of in myriad ways. Power, as the capacity to dominate through means such as ideology, religion, race, gender, sexuality or class, is often connected largely to its institutional capacities and embodiment: in broad or narrow terms, by members of a ruling class, such as owners of the means of production, a patriarchy, families or courts.²⁵ As recent scholarship has acknowledged, to impose a totalizing model for the operation of power draws attention from the analysis of its diffuse nature as it operates within, between and across social and political structures in different contexts. Nor, for this reason, is it useful to subscribe to a single theorization, and this volume is less concerned with conceptualizing power than with the significance of emotions for the creation and negotiation of emotional subjectivities within dominant discourses.

The collection of essays to follow draw upon a diverse range of contexts and methodological approaches to power, to explore how the cultivation, regulation and negotiation of emotional norms interact with relations of power. While broad consensus can be found across the field of emotions history that emotions function both as an instrument of self-identification and expression of power, social categories of class or gender are often accepted as given, with emotions discussed within or attributed to such groups. Heeding Joanna Bourke’s astute critique of the reduction of fear to a phenomenon ‘spawned within individual psyches before stretching outwards’, this collection seeks to counteract the individualization of categories of oppression by attending closely to the work done by emotion to mediate relations of power and ‘fix’ otherwise nebulous social categories, as Michael Rowland’s interrogation of the engagement with shame required for the performance of ‘polite’ eighteenth-century masculinity demonstrates in Chapter 9 of this volume.²⁶ Ultimately, the case studies within this collection provide a means by which we can root the naturalization of power relations in the concomitant constructions of gender and emotion in historical contexts and traced across time and space. The chapters included here actively intervene in, and consequently destabilize, the essential qualities afforded to gendered emotion.

The naturalization, and therefore fixity, of emotions and gender within the territories and colonies of Europe since the Enlightenment has been an essential part of obscuring the continual shaping of gendered emotional norms by dominant structures. As the cases opening this Introduction and constituting this volume show, this is key to understanding how gender and emotional norms, once established, serve to embed and police the power structures which generated them. Focusing on the power relations which infuse the connections of social life, this volume interrogates what Emma Copestake in Chapter 4 terms ‘the ebb and flow of power [that] has defined who could act, and how’. A focus upon power, and the contexts and dynamics which shape both gender and emotion, does not mean an uncritical acceptance of emotions as social constructions. Instead, we approach embodied, as well as cultural, histories to understand the dynamic relationship between the ways in which people and communities have emotionally responded to normative expressions, or societal expectations of emotional response. The histories within this book are situated within this dynamic relationship but also work to historicize and interrogate the power structures which shape normative expressions and give both gender and emotion a seemingly fixed status.

Situating class, race and sexuality in the history of emotions

The history of emotions as a field of historiography has had a particularly strong focus upon European cultural histories, which have provided apt foundations for this collection, and the methodologies historians might use to engage with the embodied and political aspects of emotions have been adeptly mapped.²⁷ Our focus on everyday power structures and the people who have sought to challenge them has naturally led to an intersectional approach to understanding gender and emotion. The practice of power in a given cultural or historical context carves out a society’s predominant emotional styles or regimes, and the manner in which these styles and practices are delineated by categories of gender, race, class and sexuality.²⁸ As emotional subjects, our ways of navigating our communities and making our feelings understood are along ‘well-worn paths that all of us are familiar with’.²⁹ As Rosenwein suggests, ‘even our most “sincere” and “unpremeditated” expressions are constrained by our emotional vocabulary and gestures’.³⁰ Worn into shape by relational sets of values and social convention, not to mention the dominant theorization of what they ‘really are’, emotions as a category of feeling are perhaps best, if broadly, considered as a means of interaction.³¹

The analogous ways in which emotions are worked upon and contoured by exposure to social, political, cultural and economic ‘elements’ of power have seen relatively limited exploration. Emotional experiences are about encounters, and Sara Ahmed has made the case perhaps most persuasively for the rejection of emotions as private matters, arguing that emotions play a critical role in the ‘surfacing of individual and collective bodies’ and that the affective orientations of individual and collective bodies towards or against one another are instrumental in the construction of the everyday.³² These everyday environments are carved out by collective imprints upon one another, cultural productions and historical processes, all of which govern the ‘stage’ for the performance of emotions. Relating the individual to the social, emotions are at the heart of power relations, as what sociologist Jonathan Heaney has described as ‘conceptual twins’: ‘if social relations are seen to imply relations of power then … they should also be seen to imply relations of emotion’.³³ Emotions are mobilized to generate profit; like land, labour or persons, they can be (de)valued as ‘excessive’ or ‘wasteful’ and controlled as consequence; they are co-opted to (re)produce power and are the primary mechanisms of social interaction and function. Scholars have worked across and against disciplines to trace the relationship between power, emotion and inequality. While the history of emotions has been dominated by studies of Europe and the West, scholars have made clear the importance of emotion and emotional regulation and redefinition in the establishment of colonial power, and resistance to it.³⁴ The roles of emotions in protest and social movements – and, in particular, the correlation between irrationality and emotion – have seen substantial critical revision by sociologists and historians, who have identified emotions (such as hope, resentment and solidarity) as key strategic components in social movement cohesion and mobilization.³⁵

The role of emotions in resistance and for communal mobilization is a particularly compelling theme throughout this book. This intervention develops Frantz Fanon’s call in the 1960s for a more thorough interrogation of the emotional dynamics of racialization and empire, and the equally important emotional dynamics of decolonization. Fanon argued that ‘it is not possible to enslave men without logically making them inferior through and through. And racism is only the emotional, affective, sometimes intellectual explanation of this inferiorization’.³⁶ The construction of race, and its policing through racism, is an emotive exercise, as the contributions on settler colonialism and whiteness by Ginsburgh (Chapter 5) and Doble (Chapter 6) demonstrate. Racism requires the rallying and performance of certain emotions to ‘build’ the racialized other and then confine and define them through the learned behaviours and emotions of racism.³⁷ These patterns of identity construction and social policing also resonate with social categories of class and sexuality, and struggles against their subordination. Homophobia, transphobia and class struggle resound throughout Olga Andreevskikh’s and Emma Copestake’s chapters, in which Russian bisexual and transgender activists and Liverpool’s striking dock workers push back against oppressive power structures and their prevailing emotional forces.

When Fanon critiqued the colonial logics that had imagined the ‘emotional instability of the Negro’, he elucidated the ideological entanglements of race and emotion within the makings of colonial power, and their inseparability from the construction of race. For Fanon, colonialism was ‘too affective and too emotional’; it displaced the reality of oppression and the need for self-determination by focusing on the necessity for individual behaviours to be ‘more liberal’ and less ‘racist’.³⁸ This book too looks beyond the individual to the structural and the collective, and to the ‘racial edifices’ of society, as Bonilla-Silva would term them, which shape the modes of classification inherent to how power ‘works’.³⁹ However, attention to the individual’s absorption of the predominant emotional norms of their given emotional regime and vocabulary – critical to understanding how power shapes emotions and subjectivities – is not lost.⁴⁰ Fanon and many since have interrogated the intersection of emotions with the potential violence of social categorizations; yet in the field of history, questions remain.⁴¹ Our focus upon intersectional identities addresses how they are constructed and naturalized within specific historical settings, but also how these identities take on emotive power of their own, acting as sources of empowerment and resistance. This approach illuminates how power shapes the social categorizations and emotional communities of our various case studies, while also demonstrating the power of social groups – empowered by their identities – to contest, resist and redefine the power structures from which they spring.

The social identities formed by emotions are not only racialized, classed and sexualized but are also well known to be gendered by culturally specific and colonial notions of sexual difference. A great deal of careful attention has been paid to the ways in which emotional expectations, practices, behaviours and experiences have been delineated by gender in different historical spaces and cultures.⁴² Accounts of gender and social change over time have successfully destabilized notions of emotional ‘watersheds’, while detailed studies of historical events such as early modern witch trials, criminal cases and war have reached critical conclusions about the relationships between individual selfhood and communal identities.⁴³ Scholars working in the field of gender and sexuality have powerfully demonstrated the emotional histories of their subjects to be fluid and multifaceted.⁴⁴

Nevertheless, there remains a need to interrogate the intertwined construction and naturalization of gender and emotion with power. Emotions have been shaped through gendered language and expression, while gender has been codified and policed through emotional expression.⁴⁵ Revising her influential 1986 thesis, Joan Scott warned that gender ‘too often connotes a programmatic or methodological approach in which the meanings of “men” and “women” are taken as fixed; the point is to describe differing roles, not to interrogate them’.⁴⁶ Likewise, in her study of fear in modern history, Joanna Bourke argued that, despite our temptation as historians to ‘disembody’ emotions, treating them as ‘by-products of rational class-based responses to material interests’, one cannot deny that emotions are felt physiologically, that bodies and discourse shape one another and that ‘[a]lthough there is a theatre to the physiology of fear … it is not always choreographed according to any pre-determined schema of class, gender or ethnicity’.⁴⁷ Indeed, emotional responses and experiences are frequently shared across social hierarchies, and can transgress or shrink from the boundaries of emotional communities and regimes.⁴⁸ Rob Boddice, in discussion of the brain as a cultural artefact, lamented the reduction of culture to an exterior process, calling for a complication of culture as a concept to account for the unstable boundary between interior and exterior worlds, and for the role of ‘historical brains forming historical cultures, and vice-versa’.⁴⁹ Rather than using emotions to define specific groups, the chapters in this volume explore the myriad ways in which emotional states have been induced and put to work to ‘align people with others and [subject] them to power relations’, and how these relations are maintained.⁵⁰ As Joan Scott has explained, centring experience takes ‘as self-evident the identities of those whose experience is being documented and thus naturalizes their difference’, locating ‘resistance outside its discursive construction’.⁵¹ As such, the volume avoids centring the experience of emotion in favour of examining what those emotions do: the rules of their performance and alignment with gender norms.

Subjectivity and performance have been key to understanding the dynamic processes through which emotions are constituted from physiology and culture.⁵² Scholars such as Michael Roper have explored subjectivity as the site for the ‘constant mediation between unconscious motivations and languages of the self’ and negotiations between ‘experience, internal states and the cultural forms through which those states are rendered’.⁵³ In her study of witchcraft trials in early modern Germany, Laura Kounine identifies how, by acting as a ‘site’ for the construction of the self, witch trials occurred almost as ‘collisions’ whereby the confluence of relational concepts such as class, generation and marital status interact with notions of gender to determine the ‘rules’ of emotional performance. Pointing to the tensions between the fluidity of the individual emotional worlds of accused witches and the binary approach to communal identities prevalent in authoritative scripts such as church texts, Kounine demonstrates precisely why ‘any historical study of emotions must also be a study of selfhood’.⁵⁴ Likewise, as Katie Barclay has shown, the politics of respectability have frequently been policed through gendered bodily performances and emotions. In eighteenth-century Ireland, ‘performances of masculinity became implicated in the making of justice, as it was through recognition of the multiple possibilities for manly identity that sympathetic exchange was enabled’.⁵⁵ It is here – in the cross-section between gendered and emotional selves, amid the ‘rules of performance’ within the collective – that this volume lies.

Inherent to the performance or practice of emotion is the performance or practice of gender identity, and consequently, as Peta Tait has shown in her examination of gendered bodies in Chekhov’s and Stanislavski’s theatre, emotions can not only sustain but also resist gender identity.⁵⁶ Ideas of performance have proven to be crucial to understanding and historicizing selfhood. Goffman’s and Hochschild’s metaphors of performance, employed also by Judith Butler, while intrinsic to our knowledge of selfhood and feelings as culturally constructed and temporally specific, presuppose an ability to self-induce or subconsciously manage ‘genuine’ feelings.⁵⁷ Critical revisions of the dramaturgical metaphor have problematized its dichotomy between public and private self, pointing out the metaphor’s reliance upon historically specific nineteenth-century assumptions about the liberal rational self – reflected in the realist methods emerging in contemporary theatre.⁵⁸ Consciousness of the construction and stratification of gender normativities and the ambiguities and porousness of the enduring dichotomy between body and mind is crucial for any study of the structures of power which ‘gender’ emotions. As Barclay, Kounine and Roper have all shown, careful attention to the historical circumstances of the performance of gender and emotion can illuminate these power structures, and correspondingly the mediations between individual and the social.⁵⁹ Revealing the relationship between gender and emotion in this way centres the temporal and cultural contingency of the volume’s chapters, and critically examines the cultural contingency of both emotions and gender and their situatedness in space and time.

Scope and parameters

With the intention of historicizing how gendered practices and emotional norms are formed in dynamic relationships with structures of power, the chapters in this collection range in their chronological focus from the early modern to contemporary world. Applying a keen eye to how gender and emotion have been co-constituted across this broad span of time, the authors involved employ a variety of disciplinary tools to produce a collective insight into how the concomitance of these dynamics has been afforded the appearance of fixity across what might quite broadly be termed ‘modernities’.⁶⁰ As editors whose own work has drawn upon and benefited from research across the boundaries of disciplines such as history, anthropology, area studies and sociology, we felt this approach was vital. Drawing upon backgrounds in sociology, literary studies, activism and psychology in addition to those similar to our own, the authors who produced this collection with us are able to bring an interdisciplinary richness to their analysis and trace their (re)configurations to the present day.

Despite the disciplinary diversity brought to this volume by its authors, Barbara Rosenwein’s theorization of ‘emotional communities’ is a common feature among the case studies, as it accounts for power, politics and complexity as well as for a multiplicity of communities within each historical case study.⁶¹ Members of emotional communities move within and between places, where individual and collective practices of emotions are ‘shaped’ by the emotives of official or known representations in a given environment.⁶² This broad understanding of emotional multiplicity being shaped by dominant power structures and underpinned by an emphasis upon certain modes of emotionality within given communities is a consistent theme within the chapters and facilitates the volume’s chronological breadth. The collection of chapters spans the early modern to contemporary world, and many of the chapters use their case studies to draw transhistorical links, clearly stating the influences of their area studies on contemporary matters. Lyndsay Galpin in Chapter 10, for example, considers the contemporary enactment of nineteenth-century Malthusian values in British attitudes to unemployment and men’s mental health, while Olga Andreevskikh in Chapter 2 roots joint reflections on the online activism of bisexual and transgender women in the Russian Federation in the Soviet Union’s unsuccessful attempts to revolutionize binary gender roles. Despite the considerable chronological scope offered by the volume, it is not possible for one volume to address every possible period or context, and so it is hoped that scholars will continue this line of inquiry in the future.

In compiling the volume, we sought a geographic as well as chronological breadth in order to expand the traditional geographic scope of studies of gender and emotion, and to encourage the interrogation of historical continuities and ruptures across time and space. The chapters in this volume discuss France, India, Indonesia, Italy, Kenya, the People’s Republic of China, the Russian Federation, Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, the United States and Zambia, and pay sustained attention to specific cultural contexts and transnational and translocal connections on a global scale. Emma Copestake’s close focus on the Liverpool dock workers’ strike in the 1990s in Chapter 4 illuminates the bonds of solidarity cemented by shared struggle, while Hannah Proctor’s re-evaluation in Chapter 11 of the gender binaries upon which political opposition tends to rest brings women in Indonesia, France and the United States and beyond shoulder to shoulder. Josh Doble’s interrogation in Chapter 6 of the racialized gender politics inherent to settler colonialism in Africa unearths the centrality of sensory emotions to the tenuous belonging of white settlers who have remained in post-colonial Kenya and Zambia. Belonging – to the community and the territory – is revealed as an ongoing emotional endeavour, one which requires constant maintenance and reinforcement, not least in the racially fraught environment of post-colonial Africa. Nonetheless, it is imperative to note that the focus taken by this volume inevitably remains incomplete. As editors, we decided to structure the collection thematically rather than chronologically, dividing the chapters into three parts: ‘Gender, class and sexuality in the negotiation of political power’; ‘Power and place-making: class, hygiene and race in the British Empire’; and ‘Modern Europe’s public sphere and the policing of the gendered body’. Grouping the chapters along these lines highlights the potential for collective empowerment through attention to and engagement with gendered emotional norms, as well as emphasizing the dominant themes which run through them.

Among the chapters in Part I, attention is paid to the interests and influences at play in shaping emotional communities, and their capacity to act as such. Paper, fax, internet, film and social media all constitute means by which gendered emotions are performed and manifested: testing, negotiating and consolidating boundaries of political belonging. Hannah Parker’s analysis in Chapter 1 of women’s discussions of private grief in letters to Soviet authorities expands the conventional significance of letters as textual sources for emotional vocabulary. Parker argues that while gendered notions of revolutionary motherhood served to validate highly individual feelings of grief for the loss of the mother–child bond, the physical-mental ritual of letter-writing and the mobile object created work to reify these now politically legitimate emotions. The theme of the sublimation of interiority to collective struggle is continued in Yucong Hao’s Chapter 3, which explores the changing politics of gender in Maoist China through the representation of singing women, and the cultivation of an emotional culture of revolutionary lyricism, in two Chinese feature films about the Korean War, Shanggan Ridge (1956) and Heroic Sons and Daughters (1964). While gender was meaningfully engaged in the earlier period, it was abstracted by the mid-1960s with Jiang Qing’s rise to power and the implementation of the ‘two-line struggle’ in the film industry. This shift epitomized how the politics of socialist feminism surrendered to that of class struggle on the eve of the Cultural Revolution, when class feeling (jieji ganqing) was elevated as the sole ‘socialist grammar of emotion’, erasing gender, family and interiority from the radical politics of ‘continuous revolution’.

Conscious attention to gender roles by members of an emotional community is evident in Chapter 4, where Copestake’s analysis of interviews with and sources produced by striking dockers and their families highlights the ways striking families built and reinforced bonds of solidarity by adapting emotional and social expectations of gender roles to the conditions of industrial action. Social media provides a comparable venue for the performance of gendered emotions in Andreevskikh’s Chapter 2. In conversation with the LGBTQ activists upon whom Andreevskikh’s research has focused, her chapter reflects upon the ways in which emotions both congruous and incongruous with gender norms are consciously performed in online spaces ‘to transgress binary monosexist and cisnormative discourses, and to produce mediations and self-mediations of non-binary gender and sexual identities’. Together, the chapters advance our understanding of the importance of emotional language to power and how – as Proctor’s chapter at the end of this volume so clearly argues – this lends gender, emotions and gendered emotions their appearance of fixity, subsequently enacting power through usage and perpetuating the hierarchies of power they cloak. Their collective analysis draws attention to the importance of grounding histories of experience and restoring voice to historical actors – particularly those most marginalized or disempowered.⁶³

The volume proceeds to examine the roles played by emotion and gender in shaping the contours of colonial power and the boundaries of whiteness, while also demonstrating the uses of ‘gendered emotion’ in maintaining and reproducing colonial power, across three planes of emotional experience: the social, the sensory and the spatial. Nicola Ginsburgh’s Chapter 5 sheds light upon the roles emotion played in projecting racial difference in Southern Rhodesia, interrogating the intersecting stratifications maintained by colonial capitalism. Ginsburgh’s analysis of Rhodesian Railway publications highlights the mental contradictions the tensions between presumed racial superiority and relative poverty caused working-class whites in Rhodesia, and the anger at and emotional projections upon Africans and white women consequently. The case study of white working-class Rhodesians establishes a key strand in the grouping of chapters: the uses and justifications of gendered emotional norms to reassert established hierarchies of racialized, classed and gendered people. Doble’s Chapter 6 develops Ginsburgh’s arguments about the emotional policing of whiteness for post-colonial Kenya and Zambia. Using archival and oral history sources, the chapter develops the notion of ‘sensory knowledge’ as an embodied, emotional tool which post-colonial white communities have used to stress their belonging in Africa, while also reinforcing their emotional distance and separation from Africans. The sensory, and connectedly emotional, experience of physical and social proximity to Africans has resulted in sensory knowledge being used to police interracial intimacy, most notably between white women and African men. Sara Honarmand Ebrahimi in Chapter 7 maps how medical missionaries in northwestern India during British colonialism sought to overcome distrust of the local people through hospital building practices. Excavating the contributions female missionaries made to ‘Purdah hospitals’ in the built environments of northwestern India – contributions buried in official sources – Honarmand Ebrahimi clearly demonstrates their importance in seeking the trust and friendship of local women with the mission. Honarmand Ebrahimi’s chapter expertly lays bare the social stratifications and hierarchies of power inherent to colonialism, and in particular how the subjugation of European women in imperial centres not only facilitated but also encouraged their own subjugation of colonized communities, through assumptions about the moral and emotional qualities inherent to (European) women.

The collection of chapters closing the book explore understandings of society and class in Britain and Italy with a sustained focus on the purposes of shame and pleasure in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Through the case study of the Italian middle class in the nineteenth century, Francesca Campani shows in Chapter 8 how discourses of romantic love in physiologist and author Paolo Mantegazza’s sexual science reveal the adaptability and insidiousness of colonial logics, which simultaneously shaped Italian society and its emerging imperialist thought. The shifting emotional paradigm of the Italian middle class towards love marriages mirrored in Mantegazza’s work both challenged notions that polygamy was somehow ‘inherent’ to colonized people and ensured the adaptability of colonial pseudo-sciences to changing social and emotional mores in the colonizing population. Campani’s illustration of the nebular shifts in Italian colonial discourse provides a key intervention in post-unification Italian social history and sheds light on the substance and significance of Italy’s colonial ambitions, despite its limited expansion when compared to the empires of its Western neighbours. The significance of resilient emotional paradigms in ensuring the continuation of class structures resonates in Chapter 9, where Michael Rowland identifies the eighteenth century as a ‘hinge’ in the West’s relationship to shame due to the Enlightenment’s expansion of notions of individualism, with ‘privacy and dignity’ providing ‘new routes for shame’s influence’. Through the analysis of men’s letters and periodicals from the first half of the eighteenth century – ‘a point at which the emotional community of politeness [was] emerging’ – Rowland considers how shame played a central role in attempts to construct ideal selves, and to debate infractions of these selves, among men. The literary form and its materiality offered a space key to perceptions of the stability of ‘the discursive foundations of polite culture’. Rowland’s chapter accommodates the ‘subtleties’ of emotional experience in the eighteenth century, employing insight from affect theory to reconcile the influence of affect theory in the history of emotions with the flourishing of recent historical work on sensory experience.⁶⁴

In this vein, Galpin in Chapter 10 explores the weight that notions of productivity and its counterpart burden levied upon the embodied experiences of working-class men in nineteenth-century Britain, and the role they played in deaths by suicide among them. The chapter illuminates how shame was deployed beyond the polite culture of eighteenth-century men to regulate working-class behaviours through the individualization of responsibility for poverty, and demonstrates the continuities in these trends in the practice of power with contemporary British austerity politics. Proctor’s Chapter 11, through a transhistorical and transnational account of the pétroleuses of the Paris Commune, the Gerwani of Indonesia, the violent misogyny of the Freikorps of Weimar Germany and Klaus Theweleit’s Male Fantasies, offers a stark perspective on the significance of the literary and linguistic gendering of emotion for constructing a sense of their ‘natural order’. Proctor’s intervention possesses a clear and excoriating vision of how, through language, it might be possible to move beyond the trappings of the binaries that have dominated efforts to both consolidate and defend configurations of power and nation, and attempts to subvert them. Evident throughout these chapters are the gender roles defining respectable European society and the emotions that regulated them, which ensured the reproduction of hereditary power and privilege amidst a changing cultural landscape, and which in this period were being exported and reimagined alongside race within European colonies.

Collectively, the authors broaden the scope of emotions history to attend to areas and perspectives not often addressed within the field, but more importantly they consciously encourage further expansion, diversification and attention. Most evident throughout the contribution to this work is a clear confrontation of the gendered emotional dimensions of power relations that have dominated societies since 1750. Despite the volume’s historicizations of gendered emotions, its contributions – both individually and collectively – offer the possibility of what collective interventions can achieve, and how precise, context-specific histories can speak to one another across space and time.

Notes

1. 1.  M. Smith and others, ‘Introduction: Geography and Emotion – Emerging Constellations’, in Emotion, Place and Culture (London: Ashgate, 2016), pp. 17–34; M.J. Borges, S. Cancian and L. Reeder (eds.), Emotional Landscapes: Love, Gender and Migration (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2021); Björk also uses the term ‘emotional landscapes’ in a song by the same name on her 1997 ‘Jóga’: Björk, ‘Jóga’ (music recording), Homogenic (One Little Indian, 1997).

2. 2.  In Spanish, atormentado/a (‘tormented’) is also etymologically related to tormenta (‘storm’).

3. 3.  Stroit’ zamki iz peska could alternatively be translated as ‘to build sandcastles’. Many Russian emotional idioms relate to notions of body and soul, another prevalent analogy in discussions of emotions.

4. 4.  Love is described in Spanish as ardiente (‘burning’ – a cognate of ‘ardent’ in English), and llamas de amor (‘flames of love’) is a similarly well-worn cliché. In Dutch, vurige liefde describes ‘fiery love’.

5. 5.  See G.R. Johnson, ‘In the Name of the Fatherland: An Analysis of Kin Term Usage in Patriotic Speech and Literature’, International Political Science Review, 8, 2 (1987), 165–74; C. Delaney, ‘Father State, Motherland, and the Birth of Modern Turkey’, in S. Yanagisako and C. Delaney (eds.), Naturalizing Power: Essays in Feminist Cultural Analysis (London: Routledge, 1995), pp. 177–99; M.K. Stockdale, ‘ “My Death for the Motherland Is Happiness”: Women, Patriotism, and Soldiering in Russia’s Great War, 1914–1917’, The American Historical Review, 109, 1 (2004), 78–116; R. Boddice, The History of Emotions (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2018).

6. 6.  ‘Visualisation: Connections between “1A” and “2D”, Strength: Strong’, Mapping Metaphor with the Historical Thesaurus (Glasgow: University of Glasgow, 2020), https://mappingmetaphor.arts.gla.ac.uk/drilldown/?letter1=1A&letter2=2D&viewChange=y&strength=strong&changeViewOpt=changeVis (accessed 26 August 2020). Many thanks to Dr James Chetwood for directing us to this resource. See also Carole Hough, ‘The Metaphorical Landscape’, in W. Anderson, E. Bramwell and C. Hough (eds.), Mapping English Metaphor through Time (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), pp. 13–31. For more on the emergence of ‘emotion’ as a conceptual category, see T. Dixon, From Passions to Emotions: The Creation of a Secular Psychological Category (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

7. 7.  For the emotional power of imagined nation states, see B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso Books, 2006).

8. 8.  A. Arnold-Forster and A. Moulds, ‘Introduction’, in A. Arnold-Forster and A. Moulds (eds.), Feelings and Work in Modern History: Emotional Labour and Emotions about Labour (London: Bloomsbury, 2022), p. 3.

9. 9.  ‘About the Organisers’, Gendered Emotions in History, https://genderedemotions.wordpress.com/about-us (accessed 29 June 2022).

10. 10.  B. Newman, ‘The Long History behind the Racist Attacks on Serena Williams’, Washington Post, 11 September 2018, www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2018/09/11/long-history-behind-racist-attacks-serena-williams (accessed 1 July 2022).

11. 11.  The use of the word ‘criminals’ recalls nineteenth-century beliefs about a subset of the population – ‘criminal classes’ – who were criminal by nature, and under which label racialized groups were included. For more on this, see P. Nijhar, ‘Imperial Violence: The “Ethnic” as a Component of the “Criminal” Class in Victorian England’, Liverpool Law Review, 27 (2006), 337–60; V. Bailey, ‘The Fabrication of Deviance: “Dangerous Classes” and “Criminal Classes” in Victorian England’, in J. Rule and R. Malcolmson (eds.), Protest and Survival: The Historical Experience – Essays for E.P. Thompson (London: Merlin, 1993), pp. 221–56; and H. Churcher, ‘Understandings of Habitual Criminality in England from 1770 to 1870’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sheffield (2017).

12. 12.  I. Wigger, ‘Anti-Muslim Racism and the Racialisation of Sexual Violence: “Intersectional Stereotyping” in Mass Media Representations of Male Muslim Migrants in Germany’, Culture and Religion, 20 (2019), 248–71, at p. 254. For the ‘multiple bordering functions’ of mass media coverage, see E. Edenborg, ‘Saving Women and Bordering Europe: Narratives of “Migrants’ Sexual Violence” and Geopolitical Imaginaries in Russia and Sweden’, Geopolitics, 25 (2020), 780–801; ‘Threat of Sexual Violence Continues for Forced Migrants in Search of Refuge’, 29 March 2022, www.birmingham.ac.uk/news/2022/threat-of-sexual-violence-continues-for-forced-migrants-in-search-of-refuge (accessed 28 June 2022).

13. 13.  D. Taylor and M. Chulov, ‘Home Office Cancels Flight to Deport Kurdish Failed Asylum Seekers to Iraq’, The Guardian, 31 May 2022, www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2022/may/31/home-office-cancels-flight-to-deport-kurdish-asylum-seekers-to-iraq (accessed 28 June 2022); www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-60947028 (accessed 5 July 2022); www.theguardian.com/politics/2022/apr/29/boris-johnson-misogyny-parliament-tracy-brabin-labour (accessed 5 July 2022).

14. 14.  A. Durbin, ‘Ukraine War: Johnson Says If Putin Were a Woman He Would Not Have Invaded’, BBC, 29 June 2022, www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-61976526 (accessed 1 July 2022).

15. 15.  S. O’Connor, ‘What a Lost Decade of Education Spending Means for the Economy’, Financial Times, 6 December 2021, www.ft.com/content/3dbbc60e-015d-45ff-8c9f-bf06515af929 (accessed 1 July 2022); J. Halliday, ‘Boris Johnson Allowing “Wild West” of Misogyny in Parliament, Tracy Brabin Says’, The Guardian, 29 April 2022, www.theguardian.com/politics/2022/apr/29/boris-johnson-misogyny-parliament-tracy-brabin-labour (accessed 1 July 2022).

16. 16.  A.R. Hochschild, The Managed Heart: The Commercialization of Human Feeling (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2012).

17. 17.  J. Beck, ‘The Concept Creep of Emotional Labor’, The Atlantic, 26 November 2018, www.theatlantic.com/family/archive/2018/11/arlie-hochschild-housework-isnt-emotional-labor/576637 (accessed 28 June 2022).

18. 18.  Recent historical appraisals of the relationships between feelings and work include Arnold-Forster and Moulds (eds.), Feelings and Work in Modern History and C. Langhamer, ‘Feelings, Women and Work in the Long 1950s’, Women’s History Review, 26 (2017), 77–91. Nonetheless, the influences of power imbalances in the workplace are frequently posited as something to be mitigated, for example B.R. Ragins and D.E. Winkel, ‘Gender, Emotion and Power in Work Relationships’, Human Resource Management Review, 21 (2011), 377–93, which identifies ‘cycles of powerlessness’ to which women often fall victim.

19. 19.  The case for consideration of translocal connections over transnational is laid out in C. Greiner and P. Sakdapolrak, ‘Translocality: Concepts, Applications and Emerging Research Perspectives’, Geography Compass, 7, 5 (2013), 373–84, and developed further in James Michael Yeoman’s Print Culture and the Formation of the Anarchist Movement in Spain, 1890–1915 (Edinburgh: AK Press, 2022).

20. 20.  H. Charnock, ‘ “A Million Little Bonds”: Infidelity, Divorce and the Emotional Worlds of Marriage in British Women’s Magazines of the 1930s’, Cultural and Social History, 14 (2017), 363–79; C. Langhamer and D. Vassiliadou, ‘The Idiom of Love and Sacrifice: Emotional Vocabularies of Motherhood in Nineteenth Century Greece’, Cultural and Social History, 14 (2017), 283–300.

21. 21.  See, for example, K. Barclay, Men on Trial: Performing Emotion, Embodiment and Identity in Ireland, 1800–45 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2018); L. Kounine, Imagining the Witch: Emotions, Gender, and Selfhood in Early Modern Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018).

22. 22.  Dixon, From Passions to Emotions and R. Boddice, ‘Cultural Brain as Historical Artifact’, in L.J. Kirmayer et al. (eds.), Culture, Mind, and Brain: Emerging Concepts, Models, and Applications (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), pp. 367–74.

23. 23.  For example, Arnold-Forster and Moulds, ‘Introduction’, p. 3; M.L. Bailey and K. Barclay (eds.), Emotion, Ritual and Power in Europe, 1200–1920: Family, State and Church (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017); C. Langhamer, The English in Love: The Intimate Story of an Emotional Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); L. Noakes, C. Langhamer and C. Siebrecht (eds.), Total War: An Emotional History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020).

24. 24.  J. Bourke, ‘Fear and Anxiety: Writing about Emotion in Modern History’, History Workshop Journal, 55 (2003), 125.

25. 25.  A. Moreton-Robinson, ‘Subduing Power: Indigenous Sovereignty Matters’, in T. Neale, C. McKinnon and E. Vincent (eds.), History, Power, Text (Sydney: UTS ePRESS, 2014), p. 189.

26. 26.  Bourke, ‘Fear and Anxiety’, p. 123.

27. 27.  Boddice, The History of Emotions; R. Boddice, A History of Feelings (London: Reaktion, 2019); J. Plamper, The History of Emotions: An Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015); S. Broomhall and A. Lynch (eds.), The Routledge History of Emotions in Europe: 1100–1700 (London: Routledge, 2019).

28. 28.  B. Gammerl, ‘Emotional Styles: Concepts and Challenges’, Rethinking History, 16 (2012), 161–75; W.M. Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), which provides an excellent overview of the theorizations that have recently dominated the history of emotions.

29. 29.  B.H. Rosenwein, in Nicole Eustace and others, ‘AHR Conversation: The Historical Study of Emotions’, The American Historical Review, 117 (2012), 1487–1531, at p. 1496.

30. 30.  Rosenwein, ‘AHR Conversation’, p. 1496.

31. 31.  Rosenwein, ‘AHR Conversation’, p. 1496.

32. 32.  For emotional experiences as ‘encounters’, see Bourke, ‘Fear and Anxiety’, at p. 129. S. Ahmed, ‘Collective Feelings: Or, the Impressions Left by Others’, Theory, Culture and Society, 21 (2004), 25–42, at p. 25.

33. 33.  J. Heaney, ‘Emotions and Power: Reconciling Conceptual Twins’, Journal of Political Power, 4 (2011), 259–77, at p. 259. For the historical relationship between emotion and power, see Bourke, ‘Fear and Anxiety’ at p. 113.

34. 34.  See S. Honarmand Ebrahimi, ‘ “Plowing before Sowing”: Trust and the Architecture of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) Medical Missions’, Architecture and Culture, 7 (2019), 197–217; for scholarship on emotions in nineteenth-century Asia and Europe, M. Pernau and H. Jordheim (eds.), Civilising Emotions: Concepts in Nineteenth-Century Asia and Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015) demonstrates clearly the colonial implications of concepts of civilization and emotion.

35. 35.  Eduardo Romanos, for example, has explored how the false opposition between rationality and emotion has been used to define social movements and their activists as ‘psychologically unstable and emotionally overwrought individuals’ (p. 547) in ‘Emotions, Moral Batteries and High-Risk Activism: Understanding the Emotional Practices of the Spanish Activists under Franco’s Dictatorship’, Contemporary European History, 23 (2014), 545–64; see also J. Reed, ‘Emotions in Context: Revolutionary Accelerators, Hope, Moral Outrage, and Other Emotions in the Making of Nicaragua’s Revolution’, Theory and Society, 33 (2004), pp. 653–703 and J.C. Häberlen and R.A. Spinney’s introduction to the special issue ‘Emotions and Protest Movements in Europe since 1917’, Contemporary European History, 23 (2014), 489–503.

36. 36.  F. Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, translated by H. Chevalier (London: Penguin, 1970), p. 40.

37. 37.  For the idea of the intersectional socialization of behaviour, see J.E. Smith, ‘Race, Emotions, and Socialization’, Race, Gender & Class, 9 (2002), 94–110, here at p. 102.

38. 38.  Smith, ‘Race, Emotions’, p. 102.

39. 39.  B. Eduardo, ‘Feeling Race: Theorizing the Racial Economy of Emotions’, American Sociological Review, 84 (2019), 1–25.

40. 40.  Smith, ‘Race, Emotions’, pp. 102–3.

41. 41.  A. Wilkins and J. Pace, ‘Class, Race, and Emotions’, in J. Stets and J. Turner (eds.), Handbook of the Sociology of Emotions: Volume II (Dordrecht: Springer, 2014); Smith, ‘Race, Emotions’.

42. 42.  S. Broomhall (ed.), Spaces for Feeling: Emotions and Sociabilities in Britain, 1650–1850 (London: Routledge, 2015); D. Simonton and others, The Routledge History Handbook of Gender and the Urban Experience (London: Routledge, 2017); E. Dermineur, V. Langum and Å. Karlsson Sjögren (eds.), Revisiting Gender in European History, 1400–1800 (London: Routledge, 2018).

43. 43.  For such studies of emotions and historical change with a focus on gender dynamics, see A. Brooks, Genealogies of Emotions, Intimacies and Desire: Theories of Changes in Emotional Regimes from Medieval Society to Late Modernity (London, 2017) and Bailey and Barclay (eds.), Emotion, Ritual and Power in Europe. For gender, emotion and political identity construction, see Kounine, Imagining the Witch; M. Seymour, ‘Emotional Arenas: From Provincial Circus to National Courtroom in Late Nineteenth-Century Italy’, Rethinking History, 16 (2012), 177–97 and P. Vasiliev, ‘Revolutionary Conscience, Remorse and Resentment: Emotions and Early Soviet Criminal Law, 1917–1922’, Historical Research, 90 (2017), 117–33.

44. 44.  For example, M. Roper, The Secret Battle: Emotional Survival in the Great War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009); Stockdale, ‘My Death for the Motherland Is Happiness’.

45. 45.  J. Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Gender (New York: Routledge, 1990).

46. 46.  J.W. Scott, ‘Gender: Still a Useful Category of Analysis?’, Diogenes, 57.1 (2010), 7–14 and ‘Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis’, The American Historical Review, 91, 5 (1986), 1053–75.

47. 47.  Bourke, ‘Fear and Anxiety’, pp. 121–2.

48. 48.  B.H. Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006). See, for example, L. Alston and K. Harvey, ‘In Private: The Individual and the Domestic Community’, in C. Walker, K. Barclay and D. Lemmings (eds.), A Cultural History of the Emotions in the Baroque and Enlightenment Age (London: Bloomsbury, 2019), pp. 137–54.

49. 49.  Boddice, ‘Cultural Brain as Historical Artefact’.

50. 50.  Bourke, ‘Fear and Anxiety’, p. 125.

51. 51.  J.W. Scott, ‘The Evidence of Experience’, Critical Inquiry, 17 (1991), 777.

52. 52.  Bourke, ‘Fear and Anxiety’, p. 123.

53. 53.  M. Roper, ‘Splitting in Unsent Letters: Writing as a Social Practice and a Psychological Activity’, Social History, 26 (2001), 319; Ibid., ‘Slipping Out of View: Subjectivity and Emotion in Gender History’, History Workshop Journal, 56 (2005), 57–72.

54. 54.  Kounine, Imagining the Witch.

55. 55.  Barclay, Men on Trial.

56. 56.  P. Tait, Performing Emotions: Gender, Bodies, Spaces, in Chekhov’s Drama and Stanislavski’s Theatre (London: Routledge, 2002).

57. 57.  A.R. Hochschild, ‘Emotion Work, Feeling Rules, and Social Structure’, American Journal of Sociology, 85 (1979), 551–75; E. Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (London: Penguin Psychology, 1990).

58. 58.  J. Blackwell-Pal, ‘The “System” of Service: Emotional Labour and the Theatrical Metaphor’, in A. Arnold-Forster and A. Moulds (eds.), Feelings and Work in Modern History: Emotional Labour and Emotions about Labour (London: Bloomsbury, 2022), pp. 215–33.

59. 59.  Barclay, Men on Trial; Kounine, Imagining the Witch; Roper, ‘Slipping Out of View’.

60. 60.  We use the term ‘modernity’ here tentatively with full awareness of the competing and contradictory uses of the phrase. Here we mean it to encompass the period of focus in the book (1750 to the present day) and the Enlightenment-era philosophies which shaped ‘modern’ conceptions of colonialism, emotions, gender and the nation state.

61. 61.  Rosenwein, Emotional Communities.

62. 62.  Rosenwein, ‘Worrying about Emotions in History’, The American Historical Review, 106 (2002), 821–45; for emotions as a practice, see M. Scheer, ‘Are Emotions a Kind of Practice (and Is That What Makes Them Have a History?): A Bordieuian Approach to Understanding Emotion’, History and Theory, 51 (2012), 193–220. For ‘emotives’, see Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling.

63. 63.  E. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979).

64. 64.  R. Boddice and M. Smith, Emotion, Sense, Experience (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020).

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