8. ‘Con intençión de haçerlos Christianos y con voluntad de instruirlos’: spiritual education among American Indians in Anello Oliva’s Historia del Reino y Provincias del Perú

Virginia Ghelarducci

The presence of the Jesuits in Latin America dates back to 1549, when the first missionaries arrived in Brazil along with the governor Tomé de Souza.¹ As J. Klaiber remarks, ‘[b]y the eighteenth century the Society of Jesus was the most important educational and missionary order in Brazil’.² Through the centuries Jesuits reached not only South and Central America but also Africa, Asia, North America and Canada, building churches, schools and hospitals, running farms and estates, but also, most importantly, proselytising among native populations. Education and spiritual guidance have always been central to the Jesuit approach to evangelism.³

This chapter explores the role of the spiritual education carried out by a Jesuit mission in 17th-century colonial Peru through an analysis of the work of the Jesuit father Giovanni Anello Oliva. Some chapters in his Historia del Reino y Provincias del Perú address the evangelisation of indigenous people and the eradication of practices which were deeply rooted in pre-Hispanic Peru but viewed as idolatrous, pernicious and morally unacceptable according to Christian precepts. Converting Amerindian societies to Christian values and principles was deemed to require the establishment of a well-organised education system which relied on a combination of good teaching and persuasive argumentation imbued with religious indoctrination. In order decisively to change ‘inappropriate‘ behaviour, acquiring a deep knowledge of indigenous cultures, including mastery of local languages, was essential and was a particular strength of the Jesuit mission of Juli, where Father Anello Oliva spent part of his missionary life. The chapter examines the historical importance of missionary efforts in the Andean region, with a particular focus on Anello Oliva’s detailed descriptions of indigenous rituals, his arguments for the necessity of their reformation and the wider implications of Jesuit characterisation of traditional Andean practitioners as being ‘under the devil’s influence’.

Nearly twenty years after the Jesuits’ first arrival in the New World, in 1568 missions were successfully established in Peru.⁴ The first Peruvian missionary settlement was Huarochirí on the western part of the Cordillera Occidental. The community was formed of 77 small villages, with poor communication. With only a few missionaries in each pueblos, the programme of evangelisation was extremely difficult and the results unsatisfactory. Few Indians were constant in their devotion and, due to the distance between villages, the fathers could not dedicate sufficient time to their indoctrination. Gradually some of the missionaries fell ill and died and the mission was finally abandoned at the beginning of the 1570s.⁵

After the failure of the Huarochirí mission, the Jesuits began to serve the community of Santiago de Cercado, a reducción de indígenas founded in 1571 with the purpose of gathering together the dispersed native migrant population which lived in the north east of Lima. Under the Jesuits’ guidance, El Cercado flourished.⁶ Surrounded by a three-metre-high wall, the town kept the indigenous population under control and separate from the Spanish population, who were not allowed to live there. The missionaries successfully ran a school, a hospital and a casa de reclusión para hechiceros [prison for sorcerers]. In the school in Santa Cruz indigenous children were taught to read and write, participated in music classes and learnt the catechism and Catholic doctrine. The hospital provided the local population with medical care and assistance, while the casa de reclusión prevented Indian priests or sorcerers from disseminating traditional beliefs which could have undermined the process of evangelisation. Enjoying considerable independence from the Church hierarchy, the Jesuit community in El Cercado created a perfectly structured society which efficiently inculcated Christian values and ideas.⁷ It became a particularly successful socio-religious laboratory and, as N. Cushner remarks, gradually, El Cercado became a centre for the formation of Jesuits, with a novitiate and a house dedicated to the final training of priests.⁸

Another example of similar success was the mission of Juli, an Andean village close to Lake Titicaca in the province of Chucuito.⁹ Far from Lima and characterised by climatic extremes, Juli was densely populated with 15,000 indigenous inhabitants.¹⁰ As in Santiago de Cercado, the missionaries built a church, a school and a hospital, but Juli became famous due to its language school, a place where missionaries could improve their knowledge of Quechua and Aymara before starting their missions. Command of the indigenous languages was essential to the Jesuit method of evangelisation and viewed as a valuable tool with which the better to understand the culture of the local communities.

Preaching in a lengua de indios was central to the listeners’ achieving total apprehension of the biblical message, particularly among Andean people, since, according to the missionaries, they were extremely reluctant to abandon their rituals and idolatrous practices. The question of a correct understanding of Christian doctrine was a real concern for the missionaries due to their observation that too many natives simply repeated what they had learned by heart without knowing the meaning of the words. This is reported clearly in the 1600 Crónica Anónima: ‘[W]e see some very old indios and indias saying the prayers and the doctrine in Latin and Castilian like parrots without knowing what they are saying’.¹¹ At the beginning, the school was intended to cover three main languages, Quechua, Aymara and Pukina, but gradually came to focus only on Aymara.¹² To facilitate the process of indoctrination, the confessional manuals and catechism booklets which were used during apostolic work were translated into vernaculars. Ludovico Bertonio’s Vocabulario de la lengua aymara, approved by Father Francisco de Contreras in 1610 and printed two years later, and Alonso de Barzana’s Arte y vocabulario de la lengua general del Perú llamada quichua, y en la lengua española, published in Lima in 1586, came to be regarded as essential reference texts for the study of the two main languages of the region.¹³

The Juli mission was particularly renowned for ‘the high cultural and moral level of the missionaries, their community life, their authoritative missiology, the methodical study of vernacular languages and also for the original institution of a fund for the poor’.¹⁴ Daily life in the mission was strictly regulated and marked by a rigid routine: mass; catechesis for adults and children; pastoral care; food preparation and distribution to elderly and poor people; procession; and choir practice.¹⁵ What the Jesuits had found in Juli was worrying. The Dominican friars who had preceded them and run the mission for nearly thirty years left a legacy of profound hostility and animosity against Christian missionaries, due to their abusive treatment and exploitation of the local people.¹⁶ Despite the ambiguous feelings of some of the fathers, who advocated abandoning the mission due to the attitude of the native people and difficulties in the process of indoctrination, which often involved recourse to violence and coercion, the perseverance of the Jesuits was rewarded by success. The mission in Juli lasted for almost two centuries and became the destination of the ablest and most experienced missionaries. As X. Albó has observed: ‘Almost all the famous Jesuits in this cultural and linguistic Andean area passed through Juli: Barzana, Bertonio, Torres Bollo, Valera, Gonzalez Holguín, Cobo, among others’.¹⁷ José de Acosta, provincial of the Society of Jesus for the province of Peru from 1576, was particularly pleased with the mission at Juli and the work of its superior, Diego de Torres. In a letter to Claudio Acquaviva, the Jesuit father also stressed the importance of preserving this mission, prized for its language school and the local evangelisation project.¹⁸ Although probably far from being a prototypically ideal mission, Juli was regarded as a landmark and an inspiration for further apostolic work in Latin America.¹⁹

Serving the mission in Juli was, therefore, a matter of prestige. Among all the aforementioned names we should include Father Anello Oliva, who arrived in Peru in 1597 as part of an expedition originally comprising twelve brethren under the direction of Felipe Claver.²⁰ At that time Anello Oliva was still a student and would have to complete his training before he applied for his final vows at the Colegio Máximo de San Pablo in Lima, probably in 1602. We do not have much information on Anello Oliva’s background but we know he was born in Naples in 1572 or 1574. Anello Oliva entered the order in his home town in 1593, where he studied under the guidance of Mutio Vitelleschi, who years later would be appointed superior general of the Society. His greatest desire as a young Jesuit was to be sent to work among indigenous people; he would go on to spend about thirty years in the Andes. One of his missions was in the same remote village of Juli. During his apostolic work he had the opportunity to observe, collect and record the customs and traditions of the people among whom he worked. Anello Oliva’s project was quite ambitious: to write a comprehensive, four-volume history of Peru and of its famous missionaries. As the complete title suggests, his Historia del reino y provincias del Perú y vidas de los varones insignes was inspired by his commitment to his order and, more precisely, to the celebration of the exemplary life of some of its members. However, in his writings he also devoted ample space to a discussion of Peru’s history and traditions.

Unfortunately, the only volume still extant is the first book, the Historia del Reino y Provincias del Perú, completed in Lima in 1631. The book did not ever receive the approval of General Mutio Vitelleschi, who had requested a revision in 1634, and was not published in Lima until 1895. Despite the difficulties he encountered in publishing his work, Anello Oliva achieved a high position within the Jesuit hierarchy, being appointed rector of three colegios: the Colegio de Oruro in 1625, Colegio del Callao (1630–36) and Colegio de San Martín de Lima. He was also rector of the Colegio de San Pablo for six years, from 1636 until his death in 1642.²¹

Like many other fathers, Anello Oliva was a very well read man, with a solid grounding in the scriptures and the classics, but also a solid knowledge of historians and cronistas who wrote on Peru, such as Antonio de Herrera, Francisco López de Gómara, Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Pedro Cieza de León, or Blas Valera. Familiar with local sources and informants, Anello Oliva did not confine himself to a history of the Andean region using previous materials, but also carried out ethnographic fieldwork, collecting stories on Peru’s past and traditions directly from the native people with whom he lived. It took him some time to organise all his data; the manuscript was probably composed between 1600 and 1630.²²

Evangelisation was the focus of Oliva’s mission and the main purpose of King Philip II of Spain and the general of the Society, due to their perception of the great need of the Indians: ‘por ser gente incomparablemente neçessitada’.²³ The most difficult task the missionaries had to face was the eradication of idolatry, which was regarded as particularly deep-rooted in the Andean region. In the eyes of the Jesuits, ‘Andean gods were simply manifestations of the devil, native priests were Satan’s ministers, and Huarochirí, the first Jesuit mission in the Andes, was labelled the ‘Cathedral of Idolatry’.’²⁴ Anello Oliva dedicates an entire chapter to this subject, describing superstitions, rituals and beliefs which were interpreted as a direct consequence of the devil’s influence.²⁵ Nevertheless, he did not seem surprised by the phenomenon of idolatry, which was common even among the Greeks and Romans, who were considered to be the highest expression of Western civilisation: ‘When I recall the large number of idols and idolatries, superstitions and gentile ceremonies that were held among the two most wise and cultured people in the world, the Greeks and Romans, I am not at all surprised that the Peruvians, who are not that cultured and [remain] buried in the darkness of ignorance, have had such a multitude of idols and superstitions like no other peoples’.²⁶

However, like other missionaries Anello Oliva was convinced that, even before the arrival of the Europeans, the Incas had at least had a notion of a supreme god, which he identified with Pachacamac, the Almighty (el Todopoderoso): ‘I believe that it is a fact that the indios of Peru, before the preaching of the Holy Gospel, had some notions [that there is] only one God and that [the fact that] He is the Maker of the Universe is as true and undoubted as it is among them and in their language, the name and word Pachacamac’.²⁷ In the Andean pantheon, Pachacamac was the maker of heaven and earth and all the creatures which inhabit them (and could be easily associated with the Christian God). According to Anello Oliva, if the indigenous people worshipped other gods in addition to Pachacamac, it was because the devil had confused them with lies and deceptions: ‘[A]nd if, after that, they worshipped the Sun, this was because the Devil, combining many lies with some truths or apparent truths, convinced them that this planet has a great power in war and generated the main source of survival on Earth’.²⁸ Again, a few pages later, Anello Oliva persists with the theory of the devil’s influence:

There was no doubt about the causes of this blindness. Unaware of true wisdom, he argued, the Incas basically seemed to worship every single natural element which could have caused them harm or done them any good: ‘ What I suppose is that the indios from Peru were so blind in their gentile condition that they worshipped as gods and idolised anything from which they could hope to receive any good or [could] fear any harm and they even worshipped animals no matter how brutal and cruel they were’.³¹

Mountains, animals, coloured stones, the sun, the stars and, most importantly, the earth or Pachamama were objects of worship, often worthy of offerings or sacrifices. A variety of ‘idols’ and spirits, which were part of the traditional religion, were seen by the missionaries as images of Satan which should be destroyed. In addition to the pantheon of Andean deities, the local people worshipped huacas, sacred things or places which were represented by small statues in the shape of human beings or animals. In the world view of local populations, huacas ‘had been the organisers of the known world. And thus the world could be explained and managed’.³²

What was particularly problematic for the missionaries was that huacas were not only abstract holy entities or objects which should rightfully be replaced by Christian concepts: they also embodied a strong sense of continuity between people, nature and the local people’s ancestors. This profound sense of belonging and continuity was nurtured by ritual practices and frequent visits to sacred places which Andean people were reluctant to abandon: ‘Huacas became places of religious pilgrimage and congregation, shrines where the people who believed themselves descended from these divine progenitors would bring offerings, give regular worship, and look for continuing support and guidance’.³³ Conopas or chancas, as they were called in Cuzco, which contained the spirits of plants and things, were also sacred as protection for the household. In her monograph Huarochirí, K. Spalding helps us to understand the nature of these ‘idols’: ‘At the household level, the oldest member held the guardians of the welfare of the household – small idols, stones, or odd-shaped objects called conopas. The conopas were the material representation of the family’s resources, passed down from father to son and wife to daughter’.³⁴ To Anello Oliva, conopas were for the Indians what lares and Penates were for the Romans: tutelary deities, originally the souls of the ancestors, then guardians of the household: ‘They also worship and revere the Conopas that in Cuzco people call Chancas and they are their gods lares and Penates; they call them Huacicamayoc which is the majordomo or landlord. These idols usually come in different materials and shapes but, normally, they are made by some particular small stones that have something special or remarkable in their colour of shape’.³⁵ ‘Idols’ were, for Anello Oliva, ‘infernales semillas’³⁶ or fiendish seeds which needed to be eradicated as soon as possible.³⁷

Nevertheless, these ‘idols’ were not the only target. To secure power over the Amerindians, the devil worked even more directly through the numerous hechiceros or sorcerers, who were considered to be ministers of the devil (ministros del Diablo).³⁸ Hechiceros were highly respected by the Andean populations and regularly consulted for guidance and advice. They were accused by the missionaries of continuing to practise old traditional rituals and, in so doing, were viewed as obstacles to the process of evangelisation: ‘It has already happened many times that an indio or an india has found a small stone of this kind and, taking it into great consideration, they bring it to the sorcerer with great interest, asking him to tell them what will be. The Devil’s instrument answers them with great admiration: “This is the Conopa, worship it and cut it very carefully because, thanks to its favour and protection you will have lots of food and rest”’.³⁹

Rituals which ensured prosperity or guaranteed a good harvest also required eradication as examples of pagan devotion. There was a specific ritual which Anello Oliva considered particularly ‘infernal’ but was popular among caciques and curacas. It involved a special drink called achuma, nocturnal birds and soothsayers:

As Cushner points out, in order to stop these pernicious practices and counteract the influence of sorcerers and fortune-tellers, ‘the Bishop of La Plata … recommended to Fr. Diego de Torres in 1582 that hechiceros and their followers be executed, preferably by burning at the stake’.⁴¹ However, the Jesuits in Juli decided to follow the orders of the Council of Lima, which in 1553 had stated that the rightful punishment for hechiceros was imprisonment. For this purpose, a prison called the Casa Blanca [White House] was built in Juli to isolate sorcerers and prevent them from influencing the rest of the population. There the hechiceros could be converted and re-educated by the missionaries.

In the view of the Jesuit fathers, the presence of the devil was everywhere in the Andes. Not only was it found in complex systems of ritual practices and beliefs related to different objects, often associated with ancient traditions, but also in many details of everyday life which could be regarded as diabolical. To Anello Oliva, even the way the Indians wore their hair was a symbol of satanic influence: ‘In the end, as the First Council of Lima warns … the indios offered themselves and were devoted to the cult of demons, sometimes letting their hair grow down to their waist, some other times cutting them in many different ways’.⁴² The Jesuit father insisted on the necessity of reforming native customs, mainly because of the condition of the indigenous people, who were blind and lost without the true light of the Gospel.⁴³ Saving souls and educating minds were core principles for the missionaries, who worked endlessly towards this purpose, waging war against superstitions and evil influences.⁴⁴

Baptism was the first step towards joining the Christian community and abandoning a nomadic life, considered more appropriate to a beast than to a man: ‘There was a great number of adults who were baptised and many of them were as old as 80, 90 and almost 100. They used to wander through páramos and forests more like beasts and animals of the countryside than rational men’.⁴⁵ Fundamental was the frequency of public preaching, of sermons and lectures to attract new people to the Church, alongside everyday support for the poor. Medicines, food and clothes were dispensed by the missionaries, who visited those in need, providing them with pastoral care and practical help. Anello Oliva highlights how important it was to eradicate vanity and frivolity, particularly in Lima, and for this purpose exemplarity was essential. He praises the moral qualities of the missionaries in Peru, who were able not only to convert the natives and eliminate undesirable habits, such as fiestas and danzas, but also to introduce monogamy and a regular routine in the administration of the sacraments among the newly converted.

As Cushner remarks, the mission of Juli was a success and a model for future missions, particularly those in Paraguay. Jesuits missionaries exercised great influence in shaping the life and society of the Andean region and remained in Juli for over a century.⁴⁶ Despite the difficulties, many factors contributed to ensuring the success of this particular mission: deep knowledge of the local languages, culture and customs of native people; conversion through perseverance and good example; establishment of a regular religious routine along with education and health care; but also the attention given to fostering positive relations using astute political negotiation.⁴⁷

Nevertheless, the evangelisation and pastoral care of Amerindians were centrally crucial for Anello Oliva, who was among those Jesuits who preferred to focus their attention on the indoctrination of native people rather than serving the needs of the local Spanish community. During his mission Anello Oliva was probably close to Nicola Mastrilli, who had arrived in Peru five years before him in 1592 and who had been appointed rector of the Colegio de Arequipa in 1598 and superior of Juli in 1600. Mastrilli considered pastoral work among Amerindians a priority to which many other missionaries gave insufficient attention. He openly complained about the lack of interest in native people which some missionaries demonstrated, along with their inattention to local languages (‘pocos a mostrado mucha virtud y affecto a los indios’).⁴⁸ In his role as superior, Anello Oliva viewed the material and spiritual conditions of native people as matters of great concern. It is not preposterous, therefore, to suppose that a highly influential figure such as Father Mastrilli was an inspiration to Anello Oliva in the way he came to conceive of the duties of Jesuit missionaries. Even at an early stage of his training, Anello Oliva had already shown a particular vocation for working with indigenous people and this was probably encouraged by his exposure to his highly regarded superior. However, Mastrilli was not the only model to look up to.

As C. Gálvez Peña suggests, Anello Oliva was inspired by the works of Las Casas and this probably cost him the publication of his Historia. In his work the Italian Jesuit emphasised the hardships and abuses endured by the native population in Peru after the conquest, drawing attention to the destructive consequences of the greed (codicia) which characterised the excessive Spanish ambitions. At the same time, Anello Oliva praised the numerous conversions and baptisms as well as the relentless efforts of some of the fathers, who devoted themselves to eradicating idolatry and sorcery among the Amerindians.

Although little is known about Anello Oliva’s life and connections with other missionaries, he must have gained the trust and respect of his Jesuit superiors as he became rector of three colegios in Peru. Nevertheless, the Lascasian tone of his chronicle is likely to have been regarded with some suspicion and interpreted as contrary to the interests of the Spanish monarchy. His views on missionary life and emphasis on evangelical strategies, as represented in his writings, may well have clashed with the more orthodox approach of some members of the order in Rome. This could explain why general Mutio Vitelleschi did not authorise the publication of the Historia. In this respect, it is important to notice that Anello Oliva died in 1642, three years before Vitelleschi, who remained in charge as superior general of the Society until his own death.

Leaving aside the possible reasons for the Jesuit father being denied the right to publish his work, Anello Oliva’s Historia remains a precious ethnographic source on colonial Peru, providing information about indigenous traditional practices and the Jesuit contribution to the formation of Christian communities in Latin America. The work of Father Anello Oliva shows us not only his personal commitment to the mission, but also his curiosity and desire to leave a testimony of his deep knowledge of Andean culture and to keep a record of ‘things worthy of eternal memory’ (‘cosas dignas de eternal memoria’).⁴⁹

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Redden, A. (2008) Diabolism in Colonial Peru, 1560–1750 (London and New York: Routledge).

Rodríguez, D. (2005) ‘Los jesuitas y su labor evangelizadora en la doctrina de Santiago del Cercado’, Investigaciones sociales, 9 (15): 133–52.

Scott, A.B. (2009) ‘Sacred politics: an examination of Inca huacas and their use for political and social organization’, Totem, 17: 23–36.

Shah, P. (2013) ‘Language, discipline, and power: the extirpation of idolatry in colonial Peru and indigenous resistance’, Voces Novae, 5, https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1074&context=vocesnovae [accessed 9 Sept. 2019].

Silverblatt, I.M. (1987) Moon, Sun, and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Class in Inca and Colonial Peru (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press).

Spalding, K. (1984) Huarochirí: An Andean Society Under Inca and Spanish Rule (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press).

Urbano, H. (2011) ‘Pablo Joseph de Arriaga, S.J. Retórica y extirpación de idolatrías en el arzobispado de Lima, siglos XVI–XVII’, in R. Izquierdo Benito and F. Martínez Gil (eds.), Religión y heterodoxias en el mundo hispánico: siglos XIV–XVIII (Sílex ediciones), pp. 153–69.

Van den Berg, H. (2012) ‘Las ediciones del Vocabulario de la lengua aymara’, Revista ciencia y cultura 28: 9–39.

Vargas Ugarte, R. (1963–5) Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en el Perú (4 vols., Burgos: Aldecoa).

Wilde, G. (ed.) (2011) Saberes de la conversión: jesuítas, indígénas e imperios coloniales enlas fronteras de la cristiandad (Buenos Aires: SB).

Zimbabwe-Mozambique Province of the Society of Jesus (n.d.) ‘Tertianship and final vows’, http://www.jesuitszimbabwe.co.zw/index.php/what-we-do/forms/tertianship-final-vows [accessed 1 Oct. 2017].

Zubillaga, F. and J. Baptista (2001) ‘Lenguas’, in C.E. O’Neill and J.M. Domínguez (eds.), Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús, vol. 1, AA–Costa Rica (Rome: Institutum Historicum S.J.; Madrid: Universidad Pontificia Comillas).

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1 On the influence of Jesuits in Brazil see S. Leite, Cartas dos Primeiros Jesuitas do Brasil, 3 vols., Comissão do IV Centenário da Cidade de São Paulo (São Paulo: Editora São Paulo, 1956); D. Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond 1540–1750 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996); T. Cohen, The Fire of Tongues: Antonio Vieira and the Missionary Church in Brazil and Portugal (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998); S. Knauß, ‘Jesuit engagement in Brazil between 1549 and 1609 – a legitimate support of Indians’ emancipation or eurocentric movement of conversion?’, Astrolabio, 11 (2010): 227–38; J.M. Dos Santos, ‘Writing and its functions in sixteenth century Jesuit missions in Brazil’, História, 34 (2015): 109–27.

2 J. Klaiber, ‘The Jesuits in Latin America: legacy and current emphases’, International Bulletin of Missionary Research, 28 (2) (2004): 63–66.

3 The bond between Jesuits and education reinforces the personal and spiritual progress of the missionaries: ‘However the Jesuit is always learning; so formation remains a lifelong process of continual conversion and growth in the Spirit’ (‘Tertianship and final vows’, in Zimbabwe-Mozambique Province of the Society of Jesus, http://www.jesuitszimbabwe.co.zw/index.php/what-we-do/forms/tertianship-final-vows [accessed 1 Oct. 2017].

4 For the history of the Society of Jesus in Peru and their relationship with Andean culture, see also R. Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en el Perú, 4 vols. (Burgos: 1963–65); L. Martín, The Intellectual Conquest of Peru: The Jesuit College of San Pablo, 1568–1767 (New York: Fordham University Press, 1968); J.W. O’Malley, S.J., The First Jesuits (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993); S. Hyland, The Jesuit and the Incas: The Extraordinary Life of Padre Blas Valera, S.J. (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2003); J.W. O’Malley et al., The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006); A.C. Hosne, The Jesuit Missions to China and Peru, 1570–1610: Expectations and Appraisals of Expansionism (London and New York: Routledge, 2013). For a more global insight see A. Coello De La Rosa, J. Burrieza Sánchez and D. Moreno (eds.), Jesuitas e imperios de ultra-mar, Siglos XVI–XX (Madrid: Siélex, 2012).

5 See C. Carcelén Reluz, ‘Los jesuitas en su primera misión: Huarochirí, siglo XVI’, Anuario, Archivo y Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia (2003): 111–33.

6 See D. Rodríguez, ‘Los jesuitas y su labor evangelizadora en la doctrina de Santiago del Cercado’, Investigaciones Sociales, 9 (2005): 133–52.

7 See A. Coello de la Rosa, ‘La reducción de Santiago de El Cercado y la. Compañía de Jesús’, in G. Dalla Corte (ed.), Conflicto y violencia en América: VIII Encuentro-Debate América Latina ayer y hoy (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2002), pp. 53–68.

8 See N.P. Cushner, Soldiers of God: The Jesuits in Colonial America, 1565–1767 (Buffalo, NY: Language Communications, 2002), p. 76.

9 Part of the seven districts of the province of Chucuito, Juli was, and still is, a strategic location, along the ancient trade route to Bolivia (Cuzco-Puno-La Paz). The climate of the district is dry and cool. There is a wet season, which runs from September to March/April, and temperatures oscillate between 0° C and 15° C. Although precipitation in the region does not normally exceed 800 mm per year, Juli features a humid, subtropical montane forest climate which supports agriculture and cattle raising. See M. Arteta et al., ‘Plantas vasculares de la Bahía de Juli, Lago Titicaca, Puno-Perú’, Ecología Aplicada, 5 (2006): 29–36; R.D. Díaz Aguilar, ‘Estudio de caracterización climática de la precipitación pluvial y temperatura del aire para las cuencas de los ríos Coata e Ilave’, in Servicio Nacional de Meteorología e Hidrología del Perú (2013), pp. 1–45, www.senamhi.gob.pe/load/file/01401SENA-4.pdf [accessed 2 Oct. 2018].

10 Ibid.

11 ‘[P]ues vemos que algunos indios e indias muy viejos y viejas rezan las oraciones y dizen la doctrina en lengua latina y castellana, sin saber lo que dicen como papagayos’ (F. Mateos, Historia general de la Compañía de Jesús en la provincia del Perú. Crónica anónima del 1600 que trata del establecimiento y misiones de la Compañía de Jesús en los paises de habla española en la América meridional, vol. 1, part 2 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1944), p. 17.

12 X. Albó, ‘Notas sobre jesuitas y lengua aymara’, in S. Negro Tua and M.M. Marzal (eds.), Un reino en la frontera: las misiones jesuitas en la América colonial (Quito: Abya Yala, 2000), pp. 277–88 (p. 278). Commitment to education has always been at the core of Jesuit philosophy. The first Jesuit school dated back to 1548, when the fathers founded an educational institute in Messina, Italy. Three years later the prestigious Collegio Romano was established in Rome and destined to become one of the most important Catholic universities in the world, the Pontifical Gregorian University. Through the centuries schools were also built in East Asia, Africa and Latin America. ‘[A] special care for the instruction of children’ is one of the promises in the Jesuits’ final vows. On the importance of children’s education to the Jesuits see J.W. O’Malley, S.J., ‘How the first Jesuits became involved in education’, in V.J. Duminuco (ed.), The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum: 400th Anniversary Perspectives (New York: Fordham University Press, 2000), pp. 56–74; P.-H. Kolvenbach, Go Forth and Teach: The Characteristics of Jesuit Education, Jesuit Secondary Education Association Foundations (2005), pp. 1–32, https://www.fairfieldprep.org/uploaded/Documents/15-16_School_Year/GoForthAndTeach.pdf [accessed 1 Oct. 2017].

13 Both the Jesuit fathers were talented linguists and served the mission in Juli. On the editions of Bertonio’s Vocabulario see H. Van den Berg, ‘Las ediciones del Vocabulario de la lengua aymara’, Revista Ciencia y Cultura, 28 (2012): 9–39.

14 M. Helmer, ‘Juli, un experimento misionero de los jesuitas en el altiplano andino (siglo xvi)’, Boletín del Instituto Riva-Agüero, 12 (1982–83): 191–216. Author translation from the Spanish.

15 T. Bouysse-Cassagne, ‘Endoctriner, normaliser, discriminer: l’utopie jésuite de Juli (xve-xviie siècle)’, in J.C. Garavaglia, J. Poloni-Simard and G. Rivière (eds.), Au miroir de l’anthropologie historique. Mélanges offerts à Nathan Wachtel (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2014), pp. 401–14.

16 See S. Hyland, The Jesuit and the Incas: The Extraordinary Life of Padre Blas Valera, S.J. (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2003), p. 56 ff.

17 Albó, ‘Notas sobre jesuitas’, p. 278.

18 J. de Acosta, ‘El Padre José de Acosta al Padre Claudio Acquaviva, Lima, 14 de abril de 1585’, in A. de Egaña (ed.), Monumenta Peruana, vol. 3, 1581–1585 (Rome: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, 1961), p. 632 ff. On Juli see also J. de Acosta, ‘El Padre José de Acosta al Padre Everardo Mercuriano, Lima, 15 de febrero de 1577’, in A. de Egaña (ed.), Monumenta Peruana, 2, 1576–1580 (Rome: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, 1958), pp. 210–86, particularly pp. 226–7.

19 As V. Battisti Delia remarks, ‘Juli is a mission constantly used as an example. It is cited as a key mission which plays vital roles in the development of Jesuit evangelisation and which inspired all other Jesuit missions and Indian reducciones in Southern Peru, Bolivia, Argentina and Paraguay’ (V. Battisti Delia, ‘The Doctrine of Juli: Foundation, Development and a New Identity in a Shared Space’, in S. Botta (ed.), Manufacturing Otherness: Missions and Indigenous Cultures in Latin America (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014), pp. 37–62 (p. 40).

20 Sent by superior general Claudio Acquaviva to Peru, Felipe Claver was highly praised as a spiritual guide and, like Anello Oliva, had a profound desire to serve his mission among indigenous people. Once in Peru, Father Claver started learning one of the local languages before taking up a post in Lima to teach theology. Despite his vocation and effort to do apostolic work, Felipe Claver was among those Jesuits who asked to come back to Europe and saw their request denied by Acquaviva. On this see E. Fernández (ed.), Monumenta peruana, vol. 8, 1603–1604 (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1986), p. 7. On Father Claver and his Peru mission see Mateos, Historia general, pp. 430–31.

21 The Colegio de San Pablo was the first Jesuit college in Latin America and one of the most prestigious. Established in Lima in 1568, the Colegio was supposed to become a university and already offered courses in Latin, philosophy and theology along with a language course aimed at training the future missionaries in native languages. Due to a dispute with viceroy Toledo, who favoured the University of San Marcos, the Colegio never reached the status of university but continued to play a central role in colonial Peru, providing high-quality education. For a more detailed account of the history of the Colegio see Martín, The Intellectual Conquest of Peru; A.I. Prieto, Missionary Scientists: Jesuit Science in Spanish South America, 1570–1810 (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011).

22 The edition consulted here is based on the original manuscript held by the Biblioteca Nacional de Lima and probably lost after the fire of 1943; it was published by J.F. Varela and L. Varela y Obregoso (Lima: Libreria de San Pedro, 1895). C. Gálvez Peña has edited a critical edition, published by the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú in 1998, which is based on the manuscript once held by the British Museum (MS. Add. 25327) and now in the British Library. Another manuscript of the Historia has been found in the Biblioteca Cassanatense in Rome (MS. 1815) and examined by Gálvez Peña. For a detailed analysis of this manuscript see C. Gálvez Peña, ‘La censura al interior de la Compañía de Jesús: notas sobre un manuscrito desconocido del P. Giovanni Anello Oliva S.J. (1639)’, Histórica, 25 (2001): 215–27.

23 Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 198.

24 Cushner, Soldiers of God, p. 74.

25 Ten years after the publication in Lima of Pablo José de Arriaga’s La Extirpación de la Idolatría en el Pirú in 1621, which was meant to provide a guide for preachers, priests, confessors and inspectors, the problem of idolatry in Peru was still worthy of Anello Oliva’s deep concerns. For a more comprehensive understanding of the topic see P.J. de Arriaga, La extirpación de la idolatría en el Pirú, Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 209 (Madrid: Atlas, 1968 [1621]). The theme of the extirpation of idolatry in colonial Peru has been thoroughly explored by contemporary scholars. See also F. Pease G.Y., ‘El Príncipe de Esquilache y una relación sobre la extirpación de la idolatría’, Cuadernos del seminario de historia, Instituto Riva-Agüero, 9 (1968): 81–92; I.M. Silverblatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Class in Inca and Colonial Peru (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987); K. Mills, Idolatry and Its Enemies: Colonial Andean Religion and Extirpation, 1640–1750 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997); I. Gareis, ‘Extirpación de idolatrías e identidad cultural en las sociedades andinas del Perú virreinal (siglo XVII)’, Boletín de Antropología, 18 (2004): 262–82; H. Urbano, ‘Pablo Joseph de Arriaga, S.J. Retórica y extirpación de idolatrías en el arzobispado de Lima, siglos XVI–XVII’, in R. Izquierdo Benito and F. Martínez Gil (eds.), Religión y heterodoxias en el mundo hispánico: siglos XIV–XVIII (Madrid: Sílex Ediciones, 2011), pp. 153–69; L. León Llerena, ‘Narrating conversion: idolatry, the sacred, and the ambiguities of Christian evangelization in colonial Peru’, in S. Arias and R. Marrero-Fente (eds.), Coloniality, Religion, and the Law in the Early Iberian World (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2013), pp. 117–36; P. Shah, ‘Language, discipline, and power: the extirpation of idolatry in colonial Peru and indigenous resistance’, Voces Novae, 5 (2013), https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1074&context=vocesnovae [accessed 9 Sept. 2019].

26 ‘Quando me acuerdo de la gran muchedumbre de Ydolos y Ydolatrias, superstiçiones y çeremonias gentílicas que tuuieron las dos naciones mas sabias y entendidas del mundo, quales fueron la Griega y la Romana, nada me admiro que la peruana no tan entendida, sepultada en las tinieblas de la ignorançia, aya tenido tanta infinidad de ydolos y superstiçiones, quanto ninguna otra mas’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 124).

27 ‘El auer tenido los Yndios del Perú antes de la predicaçion del Sancto Euangelio alguna notiçia de un Solo Dios Y como este es el criador del Uniuerso lo tengo por tan çierto y indutable quanto lo es entre ellos y en su lengua el nombre y palabra Pachacamac’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 126).

28 ‘y si después adoraron al Sol, esto fue por que les hiço creer el Demonio que era este planeta poderoso en las guerras y que criaba los mantenimientos en la tierra mesclando muchas mentiras con algunas verdades o aparençia dellas’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 126).

29 ‘La poca y muy corta notigia que tuuieron los yndios del Perú del verdadero Dios, quedo tan anublada, o por mejor degir ahogada y acabada con la muchedumbre de sus Ydolatrias y supertigiones, quanto en muchos siglos no tuuieron rostro della, por que el Demonio no solo fue conseruando las suias, pero las fue acregentando con el tiempo, de tal suerte que dudo aya numero en el guarismo que las pueda contar’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 128).

30 ‘Todas estas supertiçiones y ritos fueronse entablando por orden del Demonio para que dexassen de adorar al Pachacamac, como lo hiçieron hasta desampararle su sumptuoso y grandioso templo, pues a muchissimos años que le dexaron’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 131).

31 ‘ Y lo que supongo es que fueron tan giegos los yndios del Perú en su gentilidad que qualquiera cossa de que pudiessen esperar algún bien, o temer algún mal, la adoraban por Dios y idolatraban en ella y assi adoraban hasta los animales por brutos y crueles que fuessen’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 130). Italics in original.

32 K. Mills, Idolatry and Its Enemies. On the concept of huaca in the Andean world see S. MacCormack, Religion in the Andes: Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991); K.J. Andrien, Andean Worlds: Indigenous History, Culture, and Consciousness Under Spanish Rule, 1532–1825 (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 2001); A.B. Scott, ‘Sacred politics: an examination of Inca Huacas and their use for political and social organization’, Totem, 17 (2009): 23–36; S. Hyland, Gods of the Andes: An Early Jesuit Account of Inca Religion and Andean Christianity (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2011); C. Brosseder, The Power of Huacas: Change and Resistance in the Andean World of Colonial Peru (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2014).

33 Mills, Idolatry and Its Enemies, p. 47.

34 K. Spalding, Huarochirí: An Andean Society Under Inca and Spanish Rule (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1984).

35 ‘También adoran y reverençian las Conopas que en el Cuzco llaman Chancas y son sus Dioses lares y Penates y assi los llaman Huacicamayoc que es el mayordomo o dueño déla casa. Estos ydolos suelen ser de diversas materias y figuras, pero de ordinario son de algunas Pjiedras particulares y pequeñas que tengan algo de singular, o notable en la color o figura’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 134).

36 Anello Oliva, Historia, pp. 133–4.

37 ‘y es también infinito el numero deltas que los padres de la compañía que estos años an continuado con tanta gloria del Señor y bien de las al mas las missiones de los llanos, an quitado, quemado y consumido de estas infernales semillas’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, pp. 133–4).

38 ‘Descubrióse gran número de hechizeros que con sus superstiçiones teman engañados a los miserables yndios que con la penitençia que higieron dieron muestras de su contriçion y conuersion que confirmaron con la enmienda que se via en ellos. Fue muy grande la muchedumbre de ydolos que se quemaron y boluieron en geniza’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 201). On the presence of the devil in the Andes see A. Redden, Diabolism in Colonial Peru, 1560–1750 (London and New York: Routledge, 2008).

39 ‘Ya a acontegido no pocas veçes hallar un yndio o yndia bien acaso alguna piedreçita desta suerte y reparando en ella llenársela al hechiçero y con gran affecto preguntalle le diga que sera? y el instrumento del Demonio respondelle con mucha admiragion. Esta es Conopa; reuerençiala y móchala con gran cuidado, por que mediante su fauor y amparo tendrás mucha comida y descanso’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 134).

40 ‘para saber la voluntad mala o buena que se tienen unos a otros toman un breuage que llaman Achuma que es una agua que hacen del çumo de unos cardones gruessos y lisos que se crian en valles calientes, bebenla con grandes ceremonias y cantares, y como ella sea muy fuerte luego los que la beben quedan sin juicio y priuados de su sentido, y ven vissiones que el Demonio les repressenta y conforme a ellas juzgan sus sospechas y de los otros las intenciones. Para este ministerio cogen algunas aues nocturnas que llaman chucic y Tucu que son lechusa y buho, cuyes, sapos y culebras y otros animales siluestres; y abrieadoles las entrañas miranle los intestinos adiuinando en ellos sus desseos y otros lo que le preguntan’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 135).

41 Cushner, Soldiers of God, p. 88.

42 ‘Finalmente como aduierte el conçilio primero Limense ... de diuersas maneras se ofreçian y dedicaban los yndios a los Demonios, algunas vezes dexando creçer los cabellos bástala çintura, otras vezes cortándolos, no de una manera, sino de muchas’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, pp. 135–6).

43 ‘La primera el miserable estado que tenia la christiandad en el Perú después que se conquisto por la corona de Castilla y León ... por mayor podre también aqui añadir algo por menor del gran desorden y relaxagion de vida y costumbres de aquella gente en aquel tiempo y los grandes abusos y multitudes de peccados que de diario se cometían’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, pp. 135–6).

44 See also L. Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); G. Wilde (ed.), Saberes de la conversión: jesuítas, indígénas e imperios coloniales enlas fronteras de la cristiandad (Buenos Aires: SB, 2011).

45 ‘Fue grande el numero de los adultos que se baptizaron y muchos dellos tan viejos que eran de ochenta, nouenta y casi çien años de edad, estos andaban por aquellos paramos y lugares siluestres mas como bestias y animales del campo que como hombre raçionales’ (Anello Oliva, Historia, p. 201).

46 Although well tested in Europe, the idea of ‘misiones volantes’ [itinerant missions] did not seem appropriate for the indoctrination of native populations in Peru. The Jesuit fathers needed to spend more time with the Amerindians, due to their tendency to fall back into idolatry; but to serve their missions according to the statutes of the Society of Jesus they could not stay permanently in one place. In his De procuranda Indorum salute (1588), José de Acosta tried to find a compromise, suggesting that the missionaries remained in the so-called ‘doctrinas de asiento’ as long as it was required to convert local people and eradicate idolatry. On Acosta and his accommodating attitude towards Francisco de Toledo see Hosne, Jesuit Missions to China and Peru, p. 18 ff.; M. Cordero Fernández, ‘Rol de la Compañía de Jesús en las visitas de idolatrías. Lima. Siglo XVII’, Anuario de historia de la Iglesia, 21 (2012): 361–86 (366–7).

47 The ability to negotiate with local authorities became essential to securing the permanence of the Jesuits in colonial Peru. Apart from personal disagreements, one of the main difficulties lay in the principles of the order, which were often in opposition to government requests. In the Historia general de la Compañía de Jesús en la provincia del Perú, the tensions between the Jesuit fathers and the viceroy Francisco de Toledo were not denied. After a period of collaboration and support, the viceroy not only ordered the classes held in the Colegio de Lima to be ended but also closed the colegios in Arequipa and Potosí, directing the Inquisition against the Jesuits. See Mateos, Historia general, pp. 20–21.

48 N. Mastrilli Durán, ‘El P. Nicolás Mastrilo Durán a P. Claudio Aquaviva, Juli 15 de Marzo 1601’, in A. de Egaña and E. Fernández (eds.), Monumenta Peruana, vol. 7, 1600–1602 (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1981), p. 277. In 1578 King Philip II made the knowledge of indigenous languages compulsory for those who wanted to be ordained as priests. See ‘Real Cédula de Felipe II, El Pardo, 2 de diciembre de 1578’, Archivo General de Indias, Lima, 300; F. Zubillaga and J. Baptista, ‘Lenguas’, in C.E. O’Neill and J.M. Domínguez (eds.), Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús, vol. 1, AA–Costa Rica (Rome: Institutum Historicum S.J.; Madrid: Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2001), p. 110.

49 G. Anello Oliva, ‘Al lector’, in Historia del Reino y Provincias del Perú, edited by C. Gálvez Peña (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Fondo Editorial, 1998), p. 16. As C. Gálvez Peña points out, this foreword is not part of the edition published by Varela and Varela y Obregoso in 1895.