9. Leaving behind the trenches of nationalism: teaching the Malvinas in secondary schools in Río Gallegos, Santa Cruz province^*

Matthew C. Benwell and Alejandro Gasel

The Malvinas have long featured as an ‘authentic national cause’ (Palermo, 2012, p. 18) in Argentina’s political architecture and as a consequence the territories have been present in the nation’s educational curricula and textbooks for just over a century, albeit to varying degrees (Escudé, 1987). The intensity of references to ‘territorial nationalism’ and the Malvinas in geographical textbooks fluctuated prior to the 1940s, becoming more sustained from 1945 onwards due to changes in the prevailing political and cultural environment in Argentina and the turn to greater state control of the national curriculum (Escudé, 1987, p. 120). While the Malvinas have remained a significant issue in Argentine domestic and foreign policy, particularly from the middle of the 20th century up to the present-day, the more recent arrival of the Kirchners (Néstor and Cristina Fernández) in the Casa Rosada from 2003 has seen a notable increase in attention placed on the issue by their respective administrations (Dodds and Benwell, 2010; Pinkerton and Benwell, 2014). Once again, these political developments have repercussions that can be traced through to the key themes prioritised by the Argentine Ministry of Education and the associated upsurge in the production of textbooks, documentaries, cartoons, posters and other educational resources about the Malvinas for use in classrooms throughout Argentina (Benwell, 2014). (For example, another identified educational theme encompasses memory, human rights and the last military dictatorship in Argentina, 1976–83.) Education, then, and more particularly curricula and classroom resources become a useful barometer for understanding more about the wider political concerns of the government of the day (Bhattacharya, 2009; Escudé, 1987; Pykett, 2009; Ram, 2000; vom Hau, 2009).

Teaching resources and the form of nationalism they evoke in relation to the Malvinas have received critical analysis from Escudé (1987, 1988) in particular, although his work focuses on geography textbooks from the 20th century predominantly. Escudé’s research critiques what he defines as a ‘pathological territorial nationalism’, which is projected in Argentine classrooms through maps and textbooks, suggesting that ideas about ‘imaginary’ national territories like the Malvinas only serve to instil frustration and dogma in young Argentine citizens (Escudé, 1987, p. 141). Recently, more general commentaries on Argentine nationalism have criticised the overwhelming emphasis placed on the Malvinas by the Kirchner administrations, both as a foreign policy objective and their positioning as a core aspect of national identity (e.g. Iglesias, 2012; Palermo, 2007, 2012). The perspectives of secondary-school history teachers drawn upon in this chapter suggest that they, too, have their own critiques of, and resistances to, national political discourses in relation to the Malvinas. This chapter acknowledges the instructive work of Escudé, which tells us much about the ways in which successive governments have presented the Malvinas question to young citizens in Argentine classrooms. Notwithstanding the value of such insights, we go beyond the content analysis of educational curricula and teaching resources by thinking more carefully about how teaching staff actively interpret and utilise (or alternatively ignore) discourses on the Malvinas that emanate from the Argentine Ministry of Education (Bhattacharya, 2009; vom Hau, 2009). Therefore, the research presented here starts to think critically about what happens in the space between the national and the local in relation to how the Malvinas are taught in Argentine classrooms. The interview extracts show that there is considerable scope for history teachers to develop their own interpretations of the Malvinas question in the classroom, although the context of heightened political tensions over the territories and the implicit pressures that prevail in Argentine society regarding this sensitive and impassioned issue must also be acknowledged. For example, some of the teachers interviewed looked for alternative ways to examine the Malvinas with young people in the classroom to those proposed nationally, drawing on local histories of connection and co-operation between Santa Cruz and the Islands. We suggest that such teaching approaches which emphasise shared histories (Pierini and Beecher, 2012) may provide opportunities for a more conciliatory and critical framing of an issue that has seen precious little room for mutual understanding since the turn of the century.

The substantive focus of the research was to examine how young people attending secondary schools in Río Gallegos were being taught about the Malvinas. Interviews were conducted with members of staff responsible for teaching history in seven secondary schools in the city, four of which were state schools and the three private. Educational officials were interviewed at the provincial (Santa Cruz) and national level; the latter representatives coordinated the publication of educational resources related to memory and the Malvinas for schools throughout Argentina. Finally, the minister of education for the nation, Alberto Sileoni, was interviewed. The chapter begins by briefly providing some regional context, emphasising some of the histories of social, political, economic and cultural connection in the region. These links were significant and require introduction precisely because many teachers were intent on presenting them to their students in the classroom.

Moving beyond the ‘official’ story: the possibilities offered by Rio Gallegos

These words from a teacher in Río Gallegos hint at the possibility of a Malvinas narrative which considers the historical connections between the southern regions of Argentina and the Islands, emphasising a shared common past between the territories stretching far beyond 1982 (Pierini and Beecher, 2012). Rather than beginning with partisan, or as some have critiqued, pathological (Escudé, 1988) and overtly nationalistic (Iglesias, 2012; Palermo, 2007) perspectives on the Malvinas question, this teacher offers an alternative point of departure. This invites us to explore whether these accounts offer the possibility of a fresh reading of the sovereignty dispute in Argentina’s classrooms. Can these shared histories and connections reach beyond the southern region from which they originate to influence how the Malvinas issue is considered throughout the nation? We pose such questions in this chapter without necessarily providing all the answers but use the inspiration of teachers in Río Gallegos to illustrate the possibilities offered by their interpretations. Before turning to these developments within educational settings we consider the origins of those discourses which emphasise connection and commonality between Patagonia and the Malvinas.

In particular, the historical influence of British communities in Santa Cruz and Río Gallegos through the Club Británico de Río Gallegos has been usefully explored by Pierini and Beecher (2011; 2012). Their research explores the familial, commercial and cultural links between the province, the UK and the Malvinas from the 1880s, brought to an abrupt and traumatic end (most especially for those communities with British lineage) with the outbreak of the Malvinas War in April 1982. Coronato (2011) similarly sheds further light on these links, focusing on economic interests through sheep farming in Patagonia and the Falkland Islands specifically. Babería’s (1995) doctoral research refers to the peripheries of the South American continent (comprising the southern regions of Chile, the Malvinas and the Argentine provinces of Santa Cruz and Tierra del Fuego) as a self-sufficient or autarkic region, supported by the production and exportation of wool and meat to European markets from the 1880s onwards. Indeed, Lagmanovich (2005) contends that Patagonia remained, for a long time prior to these commercial interests, a ‘mysterious’ territory which had yet to be significantly explored. Sovereignty south of Carmen de Patagones (Buenos Aires Province) was, for successive administrations in Buenos Aires, more theoretical than real. The gradual work of explorers, missionaries, captains, merchants and scientists expanded knowledge, enabling the subsequent settlement and economic development of the region. Towards the end of the 19th century the autarkic region identified by Barbería shared economic and commercial interests largely controlled by a handful of wealthy landowners, establishing its centre in Punta Arenas (Chile). These landowners (many of English origin) possessed vast areas of land and had autonomous communication systems, banks and hospitals, maintaining only distant relations with the capital cities of Buenos Aires and Santiago respectively. This ‘self-sufficient’ region declined in importance between 1914 and 1920 due, in part, to the opening of the Panama Canal, which diminished the importance of the Strait of Magellan for shipping between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Clearly, Barbería’s research into regional autonomy and connection stems from the analysis of politico-economic processes predominantly; and its broader impact on cultural imaginations across Patagonia demands further academic analysis. However, this body of work does begin to point to some of the reasons underpinning the level of regional identification evident in the southern peripheries of the continent. The legacies of these connections are still very apparent today and our interviews and conversations with adults in Río Gallegos frequently cited nostalgic accounts of these common histories. Some fondly remembered the days of (educational, commercial and so on) connection with the Malvinas (i.e. before 1982); whilst others talked enthusiastically about family histories and heritages stretching further back in time which were bound up with migrations between the Argentine mainland, the Malvinas and the UK, for instance (Pierini and Beecher, 2011, 2012).

The Malvinas War in 1982 is understandably seen as the moment at which relations between the Argentine mainland and the Islands were severed irreparably. Notwithstanding these ruptures, it is revealing to look at the ways in which the local Santa Cruz press reported on events occurring on their doorstep. These evoke a different kind of relationship to the unfolding situation when compared to other areas of Argentina, most especially Buenos Aires. A day after the landing of Argentine troops on the Islands, La Opinión Austral (the provincial newspaper for Santa Cruz, LAO), shifted all its attention towards the Malvinas. Its editorial on 3 April 1982 declared, ‘An End to the Malvinas Captivity’ and stated: ‘Our province, and particularly Río Gallegos, motivated by its geographical proximity to the archipelago as well as historical bonds by means of commercial activity and exchange from coast to coast, was perhaps more deeply sensitive towards the events that have happened’ (LOA, 1982, authors’ emphasis and translation). This was an account that drew heavily on the histories connecting the province and the Malvinas in ways which are, of course, not necessarily geo-politically innocent. Subsequent editorials in the newspaper were more cautious and reflected growing tensions regarding the proximity of the conflict area, 480 kilometres east of the town. The growing militarisation of the town and the preparations for war (the Argentine Red Cross started to give talks preparing civilians for war) meant that people in Santa Cruz had a very different view of what was taking place when compared to the perception of events in central areas of the country. The triumphalist discourse read in the newspapers of Buenos Aires and cities situated further north differed markedly from these local views of events. These local histories of the war and beyond, then, are suggestive of the unique relations the province of Santa Cruz has had with the Malvinas, in large part due to their geographical proximity. They are histories which many teaching staff drew upon in their classes related to the question in secondary schools in Río Gallegos.

Interpreting the Malvinas in Argentine secondary schools

Decisions about what common themes will be taught in educational institutions throughout Argentina are determined by the Argentine ministry of education, yet provincial education ministries/councils, schools and teachers have considerable scope in defining how they will interrogate the chosen issues. For instance, Article 92 of the Ley Nacional de Educación (2006) identifies the ‘recovery of the Malvinas’ as a common issue which must be present on the Argentine national curriculum. This is consistent with Argentina’s Constitution (1994), which states that the recovery of territories in the south-west Atlantic, including the Malvinas, is a permanent and inalienable objective of the Argentine people. These legal doctrines have seen an increase in the production of educational resources by the Argentine ministry of education for use in primary- and secondary-school classrooms. These textbooks (e.g. Pensar Malvinas (Flachsland et al., 2010); Malvinas: educación y memoria (Ministerio de Educación de la Nación Argentina, 2012)), cartoons, documentaries and other multimedia resources typically come with suggestions for activities or discussions that might be initiated by the teacher. However, the Argentine minister of education, Alberto Sileoni, was realistic about how these teaching resources and the Malvinas aspect of the curriculum might be utilised and interpreted differently throughout provinces and schools in the nation:

Indeed, there was substantial variation in how secondary school history teachers in Río Gallegos used the Malvinas materials they received from the Argentine ministry of education. The majority used them sparingly alongside their own classroom activities and resources while others chose to ignore them completely. One teacher at a state secondary school in Río Gallegos pointed out: ‘The Malvinas resources that I showed you [textbooks from the Argentine ministry], I didn’t work with them. The 24 March [the day of remembrance for truth and justice in Argentina], yes. I worked with those quite a lot. We did entire courses with those resources’. For this teacher the Malvinas were not an issue which she considered significant, especially when compared with debates concerning human rights and memory associated with the last military dictatorship in Argentina (although most teachers and, indeed, the Argentine ministry of education saw the Malvinas and the military dictatorship as inextricably linked and often examined the topics together). These personal preferences influenced the time she allocated to each topic and meant that the Malvinas were given cursory attention in her classes. The teacher continued: ‘One teaches with one’s personal style. I can’t talk to the students about the sovereignty question. Yes, I have to make a speech but I’m not going to say the Malvinas are Argentine, which is the national discourse, because I don’t feel it. I relate it more to the last step taken by the dictatorship in order to try and survive’ (History teacher, state secondary school, Río Gallegos, 7 March 2013).

This quotation draws attention to the fact that teaching staff did not have carte blanche to define every topic that they covered in the classroom. There were certain formal requirements as a result of the Ley Nacional de Educación, as well as informal societal expectations relating to how the Malvinas would be discussed in school (i.e. by reaffirming Argentina’s legitimate claim to sovereignty over the Islands and repudiating British presence in the territories). These were particularly acute in a city like Río Gallegos, which hosts several military installations, as many young people attending the schools had family members in the military and the teachers interviewed were very aware of these sensitivities. In the extract above, the teacher alludes to having to make a speech related to the Malvinas, albeit one with which she struggled to identify. Hence, while all teachers were required to refer to the Malvinas in some way, some implicitly attempted to diminish their importance by devoting a minimal amount of time to the subject or by avoiding nationalist declarations and songs related to the Islands. Another teacher from a private secondary school reflected on the implications of exploring other sides to the sovereignty dispute in the classroom, beyond those expounded by the Argentine state:

It is impossible to analyse the ways in which teachers are able to tackle the Malvinas as a subject in Argentine classrooms without wider consideration of contemporary geo-political tensions. This research, undertaken in early 2013, coincided with a marked heating up of diplomatic exchanges between the UK, Argentina and the Falkland Islands. Although there were no explicit consequences in schools as a result of these geo-political events, teachers were very conscious of the increased sensitivity attached to the issue and this informed their perceptions of the ‘freedom’ they had in the classroom to explore it from diverse angles. Several teachers referred to the inevitable perception by others that they would be ‘betraying la patria’ [the homeland] if they decided to take any line of argument that deviated from, or challenged, that of the Argentine state.

Notwithstanding these pressures, there was evidence that some schools and teachers were exploring the Malvinas from different perspectives and injecting their own personality in terms of how they tackled the issue. While staff responsible for the production of materials on the Malvinas at the ministry of education were very keen to point out that the issue encompassed far more than the conflict in 1982, some of the teachers interviewed in Río Gallegos expressed frustration with how much this dominated state discourses. This history teacher who had taught in state and private schools in Río Gallegos talked instead about how she preferred to examine the Malvinas in the classroom:

This particular teacher had amassed many years of teaching experience and perhaps felt more confident defining independently how she would look at the Malvinas than would a relatively junior member of the teaching staff. There was a sense from her that critical and nuanced debates about the Malvinas question were more likely to be had by discussing topics such as the exploitation of natural resources, colonial and post-colonial politics as well as regional migrations. For this reason she also resisted the common practice (particularly in Río Gallegos but also in other parts of Argentina) of inviting ex-combatants into the classroom to talk about their experiences in 1982 because, she claimed, they presented ‘a view that is very partial, very subjective and not very critical of the war’. At a private school in Río Gallegos there was similar concern with the lack of critical debate that could be enabled by referring to Argentine teaching resources alone. As a result the history teacher looked at multiple perspectives when exploring historical arguments regarding the sovereignty question: ‘What was the position of the Argentine government, of the British government and what happened to the people that lived in the Malvinas? What did they think? And the students were able to work on this with a little more empathy, trying to get away from their stance a little and putting themselves in different places’ (History teacher, private secondary school, 7 March 2013). It should be noted that the acknowledgement and exploration of different arguments in relation to sovereignty over the Malvinas were specific to this private school in Río Gallegos (other schools involved in the research only explored Argentine sovereignty claims) and there were lengthy discussions within the institution before this project was approved, given its political sensitivities.

More commonplace in the teaching of history in these secondary schools was an emphasis on looking at what significance the Malvinas held for the local region of Santa Cruz and the city of Río Gallegos. The turn to thinking about the Malvinas through the local has been explicitly encouraged by the Argentine ministry of education and is most clearly reflected in their poster/booklet teaching resource for secondary schools entitled Malvinas: una causa presente en cada rincón de la patria [Malvinas: a cause present in every corner of the homeland]. It depicts the ways in which references to the Malvinas are present in the everyday landscapes (e.g. schools, ice cream parlours, stadia and monuments) of cities and provinces throughout Argentina, including regions in the far north of the nation (Benwell and Dodds, 2011; Billig, 1995; Edensor, 2002). This tendency to look at a ‘national cause’ through the local is perhaps inevitable in a place like Río Gallegos, which has a long history of connection to the Malvinas (e.g. Graham-Yooll, 2007; Pierini and Beecher, 2011). Once again, there is space for different interpretations, political agendas and emphases when presenting the history of Santa Cruz province alongside that of the Malvinas.

The majority of teachers focused on the conflict in 1982, which was directly experienced by communities living in Río Gallegos, possibly because it was relatively easy to access objects, newspapers and the testimonies of people who lived in the city at this time. It was not unusual for adults and ex-combatants to visit schools to talk to students about their experiences during the war or for students to visit the Malvinas war museum in the city. Indeed, some staff at the provincial educational authority for Santa Cruz were developing an online resource for use in classrooms entitled ‘74 days’ (the duration of the Malvinas War) which explored how the war was experienced in the province. This social-memory project looked to present the oral histories and photographs of civilians, journalists, the military and others through an interactive webpage that also included suggested activities for teachers. Although this represented an attempt to think about the war in ways which were not exclusively militaristic, the focus here was still on the war of 1982, an event which inevitably emphasises division and antagonism between the Argentine mainland and the Islands. In contrast, several teachers preferred to place attention on connections that characterised relations between the continent and the territories before 1982:

This teacher identified the importance of students understanding the historical context and power relations that marked connections between the south of the continent and the Malvinas in the nineteenth and early 20th centuries. While there was co-operation and trade at this historical juncture, he made a point in his teaching of highlighting the ways in which these were dominated by British imperial and business interests in the region. Thus, there were variations in how local framings of the Malvinas were transmitted to students in secondary school classrooms in Río Gallegos. Some teachers and educational officials chose to examine the war of 1982 and its impact on Río Gallegos and Santa Cruz, while others considered some of the human and commercial links that existed prior to these more recent events. These histories of connection, co-operation, migration as well as asymmetric geo-political relations appeared to offer the opportunity to explore more peaceful exchanges in relation to the Malvinas, especially when compared with those associated with the conflict in 1982.

Conclusion

The Malvinas question continued to be the principal foreign policy issue for the government of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, evidenced by the creation of a dedicated Malvinas secretary in Argentina’s Cancillería in early 2014. Reference to the quantity and production quality of educational resources for Argentine classrooms in recent years tells a similar story about how the issue is being prioritised at the national level. There appears to be an imperative to keep on reminding Argentine children and young people of the ‘incomplete’ nature of their national territory (Escudé, 1987) and the traumas the nation (and its young conscripts) suffered as a result of the war in 1982. The textbooks, DVDs, webpages and posters for use in institutional spaces are useful resources and representations, but analysed alone tell us little about how schools and their teaching staff (and, for that matter, children and young people) are engaging with them (vom Hau, 2009). The insights of teachers in Río Gallegos presented in this chapter both reflect and resist some of the initiatives being promoted by the national government in relation to the teaching of the Malvinas in secondary schools. They show how the Malvinas are being interpreted and sometimes re-worked according to local histories, something which the Ministry of Education has actively encouraged. Here, the Malvinas, and typically the war in 1982, are (re)produced as a national issue/cause which can be remembered in and through local spaces. While Río Gallegos and its neighbouring provinces have a unique and intimate history of connection to the Malvinas, this ability to frame the Malvinas through a local lens is not exclusive to this southern region. For instance, communities in the northern provinces of Argentina were profoundly scarred by the loss of conscripts in the war and one might assume that these local histories would be equally prominent in schools in Corrientes and Chaco (Guber, 2001). Of course, further research in different provinces of Argentina would enable firmer conclusions to be drawn about the national-local nexus in relation to classroom discourses about the Malvinas. This could include, as in the case of the next stage of the Río Gallegos research project discussed here, working with young people themselves to understand more about how they learn about, receive and (re)interpret such national and local narratives.

We have suggested through the interview extracts that the teaching of the Malvinas issue was ultimately determined by the institution and teaching staff responsible for its delivery. Thus, some teachers (and not all, as we have stressed) in Río Gallegos opposed or ignored what they understood to be the dominant discourse promoted by the nation through its suggested classroom activities. For these individuals there was a nationalistic undertone to how the Malvinas were presented which over-emphasised the war of 1982, leaving little room for more ‘critical’ and ‘contextualised’ readings of history in relation to the sovereignty dispute. These teachers turned to colonial and local histories, as well as eras when relations between the Islands were characterised by co-operation and peaceful co-existence (albeit relations set in the broader context of colonial politico-economic dynamics) as an alternative to emphasising conflict and difference. Others decided to analyse the respective sovereignty arguments, including the perspective of the Falkland Islanders, something that is never acknowledged in ‘official’ educational resources. These are, then, attempts to think about Argentina’s relations with the Malvinas in different ways which do not simply reproduce the national discourse. They draw on perspectives which need not renounce the sovereignty claims of any side, yet instead might encourage a more complex and nuanced discussion of the historical and contemporary events that characterise the Malvinas dispute.

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* Matthew Benwell would like to acknowledge the support of the Leverhulme Trust and its Early Career Fellowship scheme, which made this research possible. Both authors are indebted to the respondents for generously giving up their time and agreeing to be interviewed. Finally, we extend our thanks to Guillermo Mira for his patience and unwavering support as editor.