Epilogue: organised militarism and the Second World War
The Navy League
The outbreak of the Second World War dramatically affected the activities of the two leagues. The Navy League’s leadership, Executive Committee and senior staff were substantially ‘depleted by the exigencies of the war’, with many leaving to serve in the Royal Navy.1 Of course, the conflict also affected those who remained; there were multiple cases of absenteeism among junior staff members due to ‘Bomb fright’ and instances of office staff resigning entirely as ‘their nerves had been disturbed too much for them to continue their work’.2 The location of the league’s office in Trafalgar Square for much of the conflict likely did little to alleviate such fears. As the league itself admitted, ‘there is always the risk of sudden destruction’.3 Many of the league’s domestic branches were similarly impacted, while some closed down completely. Perhaps most significantly, the league suffered the ‘irreparable’ loss of its highly influential and long-serving president Lord Lloyd, who died in February 1941. Although Lloyd was appointed secretary of state for the colonies in May 1940, he remained at the helm of the organisation and continued to attend meetings and direct its policy throughout the early years of war. Indeed, Lloyd assured the league’s Executive Committee that the ‘Navy League was his first and greatest love, and that he sincerely hoped that he would always be able to find time to give attention to its affairs’.4 Following Lloyd’s death, Lord Beatty was eventually chosen to serve as the league’s president.5
Despite the war’s impact, the league remained active throughout the conflict. It carried out propagandistic work, albeit on a reduced scale, providing public lectures and staging meetings across the country. It continued its educational endeavours, delivering lectures and holding essay competitions in schools. The league also continued to publish a wide range of printed propaganda and, by 1945, The Navy had a monthly circulation of 40,000.6 Trafalgar Day remained a key date in the nation’s civic calendar, although the league considered it inappropriate to hold banquets or organise mass gatherings of the Sea Cadet Corps.7 Despite the subdued pageantry, the annual event was commemorated across the country, with proceedings frequently covered by the BBC.8 Wreaths were placed at the base of Nelson’s Column and on Nelson’s tomb in St Paul’s Cathedral, although decorations took a ‘greatly modified and unostentatious form’, while speeches were made by Navy League and Admiralty officials.9 Proceedings were attended by members of the public, government officials, representatives of the services and by veterans of the First World War. As in the First World War, wreaths were dedicated not just to Nelson and Trafalgar, but to those serving at sea. Many wreaths served as poignant emblems of both loss and pride, with one bearing the words: ‘To the memory of a brave man, and also to my son, whose birthday is to-day and who is also serving in the Merchant Navy’. For the Navy League, commemorations in wartime were more than a ‘tribute to the greatest of British Admirals. We pay tribute to the seamen of the British and Allied Navies and Merchant Navies who once more constitute an insuperable barrier between a dictator and his dreams of world dominion.’10
Beyond such endeavours, the league co-organised public displays including the ‘Victory at Sea’ exhibition. Staged with the co-operation of the Admiralty and News Chronicle, the exhibition enabled the public to ‘relive some of the most thrilling moments of this nation’s struggle to keep its life-lanes safe’. The exhibition included models of ships and weaponry, alongside representations of the principal naval actions of the war including the sinking of the Graf Spee, the D-Day landings and the destruction of the Tirpitz.11 Initially held at Dorland Hall in London in late 1944, the exhibition later toured throughout the country. By 1945, over 300,000 people had reportedly attended the exhibition, with all funds devoted to the SCC. While the league felt that such activities ensured that it was ‘better known, and has a higher prestige and greater public support than ever before in its history’, it also attempted to provide ‘direct assistance to the war effort’ through two primary endeavours: charity and the SCC.12
Following the declaration of war, it was clear that ‘there would be an enormous demand for comforts of all descriptions for the men of the sea services’. The league, with its ‘Empire-wide organisation’, felt ‘well adapted to supply that need’ and so formed the Navy League Royal Navy Comforts Supply in November 1939.13 Initially assisting only those serving in the Royal Navy, Royal Marines, Naval Reserves and auxiliary services, its scope was soon extended to support the Merchant Navy, men of the allied navies alongside the dependents of those serving at sea. Renamed the Navy League Seafarers’ Comfort Supply (NLSCS) in 1941, the league also sent parcels of food and comforts to naval prisoners of war.14 Chaired by Admiral Sir Sydney Freemantle until his resignation in early 1943, the NLSCS’s work was carried out by the league, the Ladies’ Committee (which included Clementine Churchill), the league’s domestic and overseas branches and tens of thousands of voluntary helpers in thousands of depots across the country.15 The NLSCS had the support of the Admiralty, was publicised by newspapers and the BBC and worked closely with philanthropic organisations such as the British Sailors’ Society in the allocation of funds and relief.16
By 1943, the NLSCS had distributed more than 3 million gifts (alongside 800,000 cigarettes and 584 pounds of tobacco to naval hospitals that year alone).17 The following year, the league’s then chairman, Admiral Sir Lionel Halsey, reflected that the ‘garments, games, radio sets, boxing gloves, dartboards and footballs which have kept warm or dry or amused the officers and ratings of His Majesty’s ships and their comrades in the Allied navies, have run into astronomical figures’.18 By 1945, the league estimated that it had provided ‘millions of woollen garments’ and ‘hundreds of thousands of games of all kinds to the men of the Royal and Allied Navies’, with members of the royal family among those who contributed.19 Almost £17,000 was additionally given to the British Red Cross Society for parcels to be sent to naval prisoners of war, while financial assistance was also provided to support the work of naval hospitals and the provision of hostels for seamen. This work proved extremely valuable: as one man serving on HMS Unbroken told the league, ‘I don’t think you can have any idea of how much we here appreciate these kind things … thank you from the bottom of our hearts.’20
Alongside charity and philanthropy, the SCC represented the league’s principal wartime focus. As noted in Chapter 5, the corps faced considerable difficulty at the onset of war. The corps lost many instructors and facilities, while blackouts and evacuations further limited certain units. Despite this, the SCC remained crucial to the league. As the league’s annual report stated in 1941, there was ‘no more important service than the provision of trained recruits for the Royal Navy and the Mercantile Marine, for upon our success in “The Battle of the Oceans” the fate of the world ultimately depends’. While the league noted that there were continuous difficulties in securing officers and instructors, it felt that the corps represented the ‘finest type of recruits for the sea services’ and had already ‘won for themselves a fine reputation’.21 Many younger cadets gave ‘splendid voluntary service’ in coastal naval establishments and in civil defence, manning signal stations, acting as messengers to the fire service, filling sandbags, barricading windows, acting as ARP messengers, digging trenches, guarding bridges and store depots, and ‘doing all kinds of useful work in support of the Civil Defence Services’.22 Many cadets faced significant danger: SCC members were awarded gallantry medals for rescuing people from destroyed buildings during air raids, while others received medals for their heroism at sea.23 Others made the ‘supreme sacrifice’, with the league noting that ‘many casualties were suffered among Officers, Cadets and Local Headquarters’ during the Blitz.24
Throughout the conflict, boys of the SCC continued such work. They also attended summer camps, with 15,000 cadets experiencing their ‘first taste of life under service conditions’ in 1943, while others received training on ships such as Foudroyant and Implacable.25 The league additionally provided several thousand cadets with specialised signal training on TS Bounty to alleviate shortages in signalmen and telegraphists resulting from the use of convoy systems at sea.26 The corps remained present at popular naval displays, particularly the league’s commemoration of Trafalgar Day. The Navy continued to include information on domestic and dominion SCC units, but from 1943, the league also produced a magazine specifically relating to the corps – The Sea Cadet. This contained articles on the war at sea as well as information on units and correspondence from members of the corps. By 1945, 30,000 copies of The Sea Cadet were published each month.27 The Admiralty continued to provide capitation grants for the corps throughout the conflict, which were supplemented by funds raised from the Lord Lloyd Memorial Appeal. The appeal attempted to raise £250,000 to provide central training establishments and to assist local SCC units. Although it did not reach the desired total, it still raised an impressive £135,000.28
The work of the SCC was deemed to be of national importance. Writing to the Navy League regarding the corps in November 1939, Winston Churchill, then first lord of the Admiralty, stated that: ‘We (The Admiralty) are deeply sensible of the work undertaken by the Navy League. It is our hope that this work can continue.’29 A.V. Alexander, Churchill’s successor as first lord, later spoke in more effusive terms, declaring that it was ‘a stroke of genius for the Navy League to concentrate so much of its work on popularising in the minds of our youth the comradeship of life at sea, getting them to understand what seamanship really means’. Alexander further underlined that while there had always been boys and young men ‘bred with the salt of the sea in their blood’, it would have been ‘much more difficult to have carried on in these troublesome days in the war at sea if it had not been for that steady stream of fine youth which has come from the Sea Cadet Corps’.30 In recognition of SCC’s value, the Admiralty took control of the corps’ training and discipline in early 1942. King George VI became the admiral of the organisation – and a patron of the Navy League the following year – although the league remained responsible for the corps’ administration, social and recreational training, and for the provision of local headquarters.31 Following the Admiralty’s increased support, membership of the SCC rapidly expanded. Little more than a year later, the corps boasted a membership of close to 50,000 across almost 400 units.32 In reflecting on the work of the SCC throughout the conflict, the league was satisfied that it had won an ‘outstanding reputation for high character as well as professional ability’.33 Alexander similarly praised the corps for its ‘magnificent contribution to the war effort’. Turning his attention to the post-war importance of the SCC, he declared that in spite of ‘all the scientific developments, including the atomic bomb, sea power remains the one fundamental factor on which the security of the British Commonwealth rests’. Accordingly, he considered it ‘well that the seamindedness of our boys is as strong today as it ever was in the past’.34
The Air League
As with the Navy League, the advent of war heralded substantial shifts in the organisation and activities of the Air League. At an Executive Committee meeting in October 1939, it was agreed that the league would ‘carry on doing what it could to keep its Members in touch with the air situation and to influence air policy as and when required’, although it admitted that it was ‘necessary to reduce the League’s activities to a minimum and to exercise as many economies as possible’.35 The league retained its offices in central London, yet accepted that some of the ‘rooms, staff and equipment’ might be placed at the disposal of national or charitable institutions. It continued to solicit membership subscriptions and donations, but understood that many would not be able to contribute throughout the conflict. The league maintained a library service, offering books and lantern slides, and continued to hold lectures (albeit on a reduced scale). As in the case of the Navy League, numerous senior Air League figures left to join the fighting services. While the Navy League continued to publish The Navy, Air Review was suspended for the duration of the war. Instead, the league primarily communicated through circular letters, pamphlets and newspaper articles.36
If much of the Air League’s propagandistic work was curtailed after September 1939, the Air Defence Cadet Corps remained a primary focus. As the final 1939 issue of Air Review proclaimed, ‘however necessary the soldier and the sailor may be, victory will go to the side which has command of the air … it can be brought nearer by intensifying our air effort – by having large reserves of machines and trained men. This is why the Air Defence Cadet Corps … is more important than it ever was.’37 Notably, while Air Review was suspended for the duration of the conflict, the league continued to publish Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, with Captain W.E. Johns, editor of Popular Flying and author of the highly successful Biggles novels, regularly contributing to the journal.38
Like the SCC, the ADCC carried out extensive work in relation to civil defence and was present in large numbers at aerodromes after the declaration of war. This was not without issue. As the Air Ministry thought that one of primary objects of German attack would be RAF aerodromes, it felt unable to defend the death of ADCC members to parliament or to the public.39 While the Air Ministry did not object to ADCC activities upon the outbreak of war, it did not feel justified in allowing such employment to continue when there was ‘any serious danger of exposing boys to undue risk from aerial bombardment’.40 Members of the corps were certainly exposed to danger: there were multiple cases of cadets rescuing people from burning buildings, smothering incendiary bombs and controlling fires. Like their counterparts in the SCC, boys received gallantry medals for such actions.41 By October 1939, with concern growing over the possibility that the corps’ headquarters in London could be destroyed, the number of ADCC areas was reduced to four – demarcated as Scotland, Northern, South Western and South Eastern – with each being headed by an area organiser.42 As in the case of the SCC, many members of the corps’ leadership were called to service. Despite such challenges, the ADCC survived both the onset and conduct of total war.
The ADCC remained active in civil defence during the early years of war. Despite Air Ministry concerns, the corps was still present at aerodromes throughout the country. Training largely resembled that provided prior to the outbreak of hostilities. Boys received lectures and training in drill, physical discipline, model making, wireless telegraphy, morse code and the theory of flight. Many units also received rifle training and took part in summer camps, parades and sporting activities such as boxing, cycling and football.43 Like the SCC, the ADCC also commemorated those who died while serving in the conflict, taking part in wreath-laying ceremonies at the RAF Memorial in London on Armistice Day.44 Finally, the corps initiated a fund to build a Spitfire named ‘The Air Cadet’.45
The ‘determination of the [Air Defence] Cadet Corps’ to ‘play their part in the war’ received widespread praise.46 Harold Balfour, then under-secretary of state for air, told boys they would join the ‘valiant company of the knights of the air’ and ‘write another story of courage across the English skies’.47 Lord Beaverbrook, the press baron who held various positions in Churchill’s wartime government, enthused that ‘the members of your cadet corps are the future defenders of our country’s heritage’. He continued: ‘they give the most splendid demonstration of the spirit of the youth of this country today. A spirit of willing and eager self-sacrifice deep rooted in the love of their country.’48 Churchill himself, then prime minister, had ‘no doubt’ that the training given in the corps would enable members ‘to give service worthy of the high traditions and standards of the Royal Air Force’.49
By late 1940, faced with a shortage of pilots and observers, the Air Ministry established plans for the creation of an official, nationwide, pre-entry organisation to give training to young men who wished to join the RAF.50 Accordingly, the Air Ministry took control of the ADCC in February 1941, renaming it the Air Training Corps.51 King George VI served as air commodore-in-chief, while Chamier was appointed commandant. The ADCC’s committee ‘welcomed and accept[ed] the proposals made by the Air Ministry’ and felt that the implications of the corps’ expansion were clear: ‘Britain was determined to press on with the master plan’ of ‘pursuing victory through an overwhelming air power’.52 By the time the Air Ministry took control of the corps, it had over 20,000 members. However, this number would have been far higher if funds permitted further expansion. Tens of thousands who wished to join the corps were on waiting lists in 1940 until such funds became available.53 Many letters of appreciation were received by the ADCC committee for its work, including from Churchill, Beaverbrook, Balfour and Archibald Sinclair, secretary of state for air from 1940.54 In its formation of the ATC, the Air Ministry was certainly conscious of the debt owed to the ADCC. As Air Training Corps Gazette put it, ‘it is obvious that the foundation of this whole great movement is the Air Defence Cadet Corps’.55 The organisation and activities of the ATC largely mirrored those of the ADCC, while existing units were absorbed into the ATC. Chamier remained as commandant of the ATC, while the league continued to publish instructional information for the corps.56 Leonard Taylor, editor of Air Review and Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, served as editor of Air Training Corps Gazette which the Air League published on behalf of the ATC. Despite this, while the Navy League remained heavily involved in the SCC’s administration after the Admiralty took responsibility for the corps’ training and discipline, the Air League no longer bore responsibility for the administration of the ATC after 1941.
While the military efficiency of the ADCC may have varied – owing to the somewhat ad hoc nature of training – many cadets were already trained in drill, discipline and in a vast array of aviation matters and so they naturally played a key role in the RAF. By the end of the Second World War, approximately 500,000 young men had passed through the ATC and, of course, many joined the fighting services.57 The Air Ministry recorded that 98,500 cadets joined the RAF, 9,200 entered the Fleet Air Arm, 17,662 joined the other branches of the Royal Navy and the Merchant Service, and 27,519 went into the Army. In total, it estimated that over 150,000 cadets joined the services, although the Air League put the total closer to 400,000.58 The corps, then, was clearly an important component in the military apparatus of the British state during the Second World War.
Writing in 1944, Churchill declared that the work of the Navy League ‘will never be done. When peace comes it will be their task to keep ever present in people’s minds the hard lessons which this war has taught us, and to remind them of the unbreakable links that bind our Navy into the life of Britain and the British Empire.’ Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Cunningham, first sea lord from 1943 to 1946, meanwhile reflected that the ‘Navy and the country are indebted to the Navy League for its invaluable work in constantly reminding the public of the importance of maintaining an adequate Navy in peace time and in preparing the youth of the country for service in the Navy’. Like Churchill, however, Cunningham warned that since ‘we are in no position to guarantee continual peace, and, as far as we can foresee, the security of the Empire must continue to depend on adequate control of the seas, the work of the Navy League will be just as important after the war as in the past’.59
Continuity and resilience represented similarly key themes in discussions surrounding the Air League’s place in post-war Britain. The league reflected that ‘full public support is essential if we are to be second to none in aviation’. Moreover, the league argued that it was only by ‘keep[ing] the skies over Britain safe for future generations’ that appropriate tribute could be paid to the ‘memory of the young men who have given their lives in defence of the Empire’.60 In his final address as president, the Duke of Sutherland spoke in even more cautionary tones. Addressing his audience at the league’s AGM in July 1945, he asserted that the Air League was determined ‘never to see the R.A.F. cut down below the safety level as it was after the last war’. Sutherland stated that the league wanted an ‘Air Force big enough and strong enough to forbid aggression. We do not want air disarmament of the 1922 kind as our reward for joining the United Nations to guarantee the peace of the world.’ He concluded by declaring that no government ‘should stand in the way of our destiny in the air’.61
While both leagues looked to the post-war world with a mixture of optimism and defiance, the shadow of the atomic bomb loomed large. As The Navy put it shortly after VJ Day in 1945
No such frightful weapon of destruction had ever been imagined … But now that the atomic bomb is an accomplished fact and the means of releasing atomic energy for the pacific advantage of mankind have still to be discovered and perfected, we must live dangerously in a world growing more and more exposed every day, every month and every year to the peril of extinction.62
Speaking at a local Air League meeting little more than a year after the cessation of hostilities, Group Captain G.L. Cheshire, a British observer at the atomic bombing of Nagasaki in August 1945, offered a similar appraisal. Echoing Stanley Baldwin’s ‘the bomber will always get through’ speech of 1932, Cheshire warned his audience that ‘atomic bombs would be used in a future war and there would be no real defence against them. No one will stop one bomb getting through.’63 Although the Navy and Air Leagues survived the ‘crucible’ of global war for a second time since their respective formations, and while the peril of atomic extinction after 1945 was not realised, organised militarism was once again forced to navigate and adapt to the challenges of an uncertain and contested peace.
Notes
1. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1939, 4.
2. NMM, MSY/6/3/3/29, NL Minute Book, MEC, 26 June 1944, 3.
3. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1940, 7.
4. The Navy, March 1941, 86; NMM, MSY/6/3/3/28, NL Minute Book, MEC, 11 July 1940, 4.
5. NMM, MSY/6/3/3/28, NL Minute Book, MEC, 25 November 1941, 2.
6. See, for example, NMM, MSY/6/6/1/4, Pamphlets, c.1940–1949; MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 3.
7. NMM, MSY/6/3/3/28, NL Minute Book, MEC, 15 August 1940, 4.
8. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 6; MSY/6/3/3/29, NL Minute Book, MEC, 16 November 1942, 1.
9. The Navy, October 1939, 320.
10. The Times, 22 October 1941, 5; The Navy, November 1942, 305.
11. The Navy, December 1944, 352.
12. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 2–3.
13. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1939, 6; MSY/6/3/3/28, NL Minute Book, MEC, 29 November 1939, 1–2.
14. TLA, LCC/PC/CHA/04/060, The Navy League Seafarers’ Comforts Supply, 1940–48, Alteration in Name, 15 May 1941.
15. TNA, ADM 1/14888, Resignation of Sir Sydney and Lady Freemantle from Navy League Seafarers’ Comforts Supply, 1943; NMM, MSY/6/3/3/28, NL Minute Book, MEC, 17 January 1940, 4.
16. TLA, LCC/PC/CHA/04/060, NLSCS, Progress Report, 1944, 8.
17. The Times, 5 October 1943, 6; TLA, LCC/PC/CHA/04/060, NLSCS, Progress Report, 1943, 3.
18. NMM, PBB9853, The Navy League, The Navy League Jubilee Year Book and Diary (London: The Navy League, 1944), 69.
19. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 5; The Navy, February 1940, 33.
20. TLA, LCC/PC/CHA/04/060, NLSCS, Progress Report, 1944, 9.
21. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1940, 3–4.
22. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1939, 5; The Navy, October 1939, 338–40.
23. NMM, MSY/6/3/6/1, SCC Minute Book, MEC, 15 May 1941, 3; MSY/6/3/6/2, SCC Minute Book, 1943–47, 6 December 1943, 4.
24. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 3–4.
25. The Sea Cadet, September 1943, 2–3.
26. TNA, ED 124/63, Cadet Organisations: Sea Cadet Corps, May 1942, 4; NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 4.
27. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 3.
28. NMM, MSY/6/6/1/3, ‘Lord Lloyd Memorial Appeal’, Pamphlet, [n.d.]; MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 6.
29. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1939, 5.
30. CAC, The Papers of A.V. Alexander, GBR/0014/AVAR 12/174, First Lord’s Speech at the Navy League Lunch, 22 October 1945, 5; GBR/0014/AVAR 12/118, Navy League Meeting at Mansion House, 27 September 1943, 1; NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 4.
31. NMM, MSY/6/3/6/1, SCC Minute Book, MEC, 15 January 1942, 1–3; RA, PPTO/PP/GVI/MAIN/6272, Navy League, Letter from Ulick Alexander to Admiral Sir Lionel Halsey, 10 December 1943, 1.
32. London Metropolitan University, Trades Union Congress Library Collections, Labour Research Department Pamphlet Collection, V1, Navy League Pamphlets, The Sea Cadet Corps, 1943, 1.
33. NMM, MSY/6/2/7, NLAR 1945, 8.
34. Daily News, 3 October 1945, 3.
35. AL, AL Minute Book, 1939–60, MEC, 11 October 1939, 1–2.
36. AL, AL Minute Book, 1939–60, MEC, 11 October 1939, 1–2.
37. Air Review, October 1939, 10.
38. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, August 1940, 5.
39. TNA, AIR 2/3168, The Position of the Air Defence Cadet Corps in War Time, 17 September 1939, 6.
40. TNA, AIR 2/3168, Letter from Charles Evans to Chamier, 7 October 1939, 1.
41. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, January 1941, 37; September 1940, 16; October 1940, 5.
42. AL, ADCC Minute Book, MEC 11 October 1939, 2.
43. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, January 1940, 6–8; March 1940, 6–10; May 1940, 2; July 1940, 7–11.
44. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, November 1940, 32.
45. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, January 1941, 9.
46. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, July 1940, 1.
47. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, December 1940, 5.
48. AL, ADCC Minute Book, MEC, 19 October 1942, 2.
49. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, July 1940, 1.
50. TNA, CAB 66/14/10, Pre-Entry Training for the Royal Air Force: The Need for an Air Training Corps, 16 December 1940.
51. Air Defence Cadet Corps Gazette, January 1941, 9.
52. AL, ADCC Minute Book, MEC, 2 January 1941, 1–2; Leonard Taylor, ed., The Story of the Air Training Corps (London: Air League of the British Empire, 1946), 26.
53. The Times, 2 July 1940, 2.
54. AL, ADCC Minute Book, MEC, 19 October 1942, 3.
55. Air Training Corps Gazette, March 1941, 13.
56. See, for example, BL, Air League of the British Empire, A Drill Book for the Air Training Corps (London: Air League of the British Empire, 1943).
57. Taylor, The Story of the Air Training Corps, 32.
58. The Air Ministry figures did not account for those whose cadet service had not been noted or recorded (including those who served in the ADCC before it became the ATC). Taylor, The Story of the Air Training Corps, 23.
59. NMM, PBB9853, The Navy League, Navy League Jubilee Year Book, 4–5.
60. The Northern Daily Mail, 16 May 1944, 2.
61. The Aberdeen Press, 19 July 1945, 3.
62. The Navy, September 1945, 259.
63. The Yorkshire Post, 16 October 1946, 6.