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Organised Crime and Migration
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Notes

table of contents
  1. Series Page
  2. Title Page
  3. Copyright
  4. Contents
  5. Acknowledgements
  6. Introduction
    1. Organised crime and human mobility in the region
      1. The nature of organised criminal groups
      2. Organised criminal groups in Mexico
      3. Organised criminal groups in Northern Central America
    2. Methodology and approach
      1. Fieldwork in Mexico and El Salvador, 2015
      2. Ethical considerations
      3. Data analysis
      4. The morphogenetic approach: a critical realist analytic framework
        1. The Structure–Agency Impasse
        2. Mixed Flows and Transit Migration
      5. Applying the morphogenetic approach in my data analysis
    3. Engagement and contribution
    4. The structure of the book
    5. Notes
  7. 1. Criminal violence as a driver of internal displacement and external migration
    1. Migration out of Northern Central America
      1. Historical context of displacement and migration in the region
      2. Criminal violence as a driver of migration
      3. New in-country migration controls in Mexico – Plan Frontera Sur
    2. Organised criminal groups and an emerging displacement crisis
      1. Criminal violence in Northern Central America
      2. Understanding external migration driven by organised crime as this new factor emerged
      3. Internal displacement caused by gang violence in Northern Central America
      4. Understanding how organised crime was causing this emerging displacement trend
      5. Understanding the role and response of the state as this new wave of displacement emerged
    3. Organised crime and disorganised movement: conceptualising internal displacement in El Salvador and Honduras
      1. Criminal governance: framing the source of risk
      2. Triggers of flight: levels and immediacy of risk
      3. Fleeing risk: who flees, when and how
      4. Seeking safety: strategies in internal displacement
      5. Displacement dynamics: ostensibly random, fundamentally precarious
      6. Decision-making underpinned by the same logic
    4. Why people leave their country because of criminal violence and persecution by organised criminal groups
      1. Factors that contribute to external flight
        1. Different Levels of Risk, Different Patterns of Mobility
        2. Why Internal Displacement May Not Be Viable
      2. Personal experience of threats or violence and the decision to migrate
        1. Internal Displacement Abandoned in Favour of External Migration
        2. No Internal Displacement Before External Migration
        3. Pre-Emptive External Migration
        4. New Understanding About How Criminal Violence Causes External Flight
    5. Agency and decision-making in displacement caused by criminal violence
    6. Notes
  8. 2. Transit and trajectory through Mexico: navigating risk and finding protection
    1. Locating decisions in transit migration
    2. “I never knew we had a right to be safe”: the right to seek international protection as an influence on migration trajectory
      1. Factors that contribute to determining destination or making asylum claims
      2. Rights information, decision-making and trajectory: morphogenetic analysis
        1. Rights Information and Changes in Destination
        2. Unchanged Destination or Temporary Changes to Plans
      3. How receiving rights information during transit affects migration trajectory
    3. Risk and violence during transit and their impact on migrants’ agency
      1. Migrant experiences in southern Mexico, 2015
      2. Prior knowledge of risk during transit
      3. Criminal attacks during transit
      4. Decision-making following criminal attacks
        1. No Changes to Planned Destination Following Criminal Attacks
        2. Changes to Planned Destination Following Criminal Attacks
      5. Decision-making of those who had fled criminal violence and persecution
      6. How criminal abuse during transit affects migrant agency
    4. Decision-making in transit as part of the migration journey
    5. Notes
  9. 3. Organised crime groups as a threat to migrants during transit
    1. Locating criminal violence and abuse in the transit state
    2. Transit migration: the nature and source of vulnerability and abuse
      1. The vulnerability of people in transit
      2. Violence against migrants in transit: abuse and its systematic nature
      3. The situation in southern Mexico after Plan Frontera Sur
        1. Migrant Agency: Self-Protection Strategies
      4. Perpetrators, operational models and territorial control
      5. The state: impunity, corruption and collusion
      6. Characterising violence during transit migration as structural violence
      7. Contextual factors that enable criminal abuse during transit
    3. The development of organised crime as a structural force during transit: morphogenetic analysis
      1. First phase: organised crime evolves as structural factor in transit migration
      2. Second phase: impact of new migration controls on criminal activity
      3. The causal role of policy
    4. Criminal abuse, policy-driven harm and the role of the state
    5. Notes
  10. 4. People-smuggling through Mexico and the role of organised crime and corruption
    1. Conceptualising people-smuggling
      1. People-smuggling and state integrity
    2. People-smuggling and organised crime in Mexico and Central America
      1. People-smuggling in the region: its role and evolution 2000–15
      2. Criminal actors involved in people-smuggling
      3. The impact of Plan Frontera Sur (2014–16)
      4. Transcontinental links
    3. Migration controls and the evolution of people-smuggling and organised crime: a morphogenetic perspective
      1. The evolution of people-smuggling in Mexico and Central America: morphogenetic analysis
        1. First Phase: Post-2001 Migration Controls
        2. Second Phase: Mexican Security Policy After 2006
        3. Third Phase: The Implementation of Plan Frontera Sur in 2014
      2. Impact of migration controls on people-smuggling and related corruption
    4. Migrant agency in the context of people-smuggling
      1. Migrant agency: constrained by circumstance
      2. Migrant agency: transforming power and emergent properties
        1. First Phase: Agency Leads to Structural Elaboration in Transit State
        2. Second Phase: Agency Continues Despite Previous Structural Elaboration
      3. Impact of agency on the deployment of policy and on its efficacy
    5. People-smuggling, corruption and state integrity
    6. Notes
  11. 5. Law, policy and the state: accountability for adverse consequences, criminal activity and corruption
    1. Externalisation of migration controls under Plan Frontera Sur
      1. Developing perspectives on policy outcomes
    2. Locating understanding about the consequences of policy, the acts of non-state actors and state accountability
      1. Adverse policy outcomes and policy gaps
      2. The externalisation of migration controls and the transit state
      3. State accountability
    3. Deportations under Plan Frontera Sur: state obligations versus policy outcomes
      1. Obligations to those with potential international protection needs
      2. Implementation of Plan Frontera Sur: a morphogenetic perspective
      3. Adverse consequences of Plan Frontera Sur
      4. Deportations that may not meet legal obligations
      5. Financial incentives
      6. Implications of political pressure and financial incentives
    4. The state, abuse by organised crime and impunity
      1. State responsibility for acts of non-state actors: due diligence and beyond
      2. Morphogenetic perspective on state inaction: from tolerance to impunity
      3. Impunity and the foreseeable adverse consequences of policy: insight from morphogenetic analysis
      4. Implications of ‘collateral damage’ for notions of state accountability
    5. The state and people-smuggling: the nexus of migration and corruption
      1. Coexistence and collusion
      2. Weakened state integrity
      3. Implications of corruption for notions of state responsibility
    6. The dimensions of the state’s role and responsibility
    7. Notes
  12. Conclusions and reflections
    1. Contributions to knowledge and understanding about the empirical situation
      1. Displacement and migration caused by organised crime in Northern Central America
      2. Abuse during transit in Mexico
      3. People-smuggling through Mexico
      4. Policy and state responsibility
    2. Morphogenetic approach: a tool for analysis and synthesis
    3. Contribution to broader academic debates
      1. Agency, decision-making and displacement dynamics in forced migration
      2. Policy gaps and adverse consequences
      3. State accountability
      4. Synthesising these debates
    4. Final reflections
      1. The evolving situation in Mexico and Central America
      2. Global relevance
      3. Future research directions
    5. Notes
  13. Bibliography
  14. Index

Contents

  1. Acknowledgements
  2. Introduction
  3. Organised crime and human mobility in the region
  4. The nature of organised criminal groups
  5. Organised criminal groups in Mexico
  6. Organised criminal groups in Northern Central America
  7. Methodology and approach
  8. Fieldwork in Mexico and El Salvador, 2015
  9. Ethical considerations
  10. Data analysis
  11. The morphogenetic approach: a critical realist analytic framework
  12. The Structure–Agency Impasse
  13. Mixed Flows and Transit Migration
  14. Applying the morphogenetic approach in my data analysis
  15. Engagement and contribution
  16. The structure of the book
  17. Notes
  18. 1.Criminal violence as a driver of internal displacement and external migration
  19. Migration out of Northern Central America
  20. Historical context of displacement and migration in the region
  21. Criminal violence as a driver of migration
  22. New in-country migration controls in Mexico – Plan Frontera Sur
  23. Organised criminal groups and an emerging displacement crisis
  24. Criminal violence in Northern Central America
  25. Understanding external migration driven by organised crime as this new factor emerged
  26. Internal displacement caused by gang violence in Northern Central America
  27. Understanding how organised crime was causing this emerging displacement trend
  28. Understanding the role and response of the state as this new wave of displacement emerged
  29. Organised crime and disorganised movement: conceptualising internal displacement in El Salvador and Honduras
  30. Criminal governance: framing the source of risk
  31. Triggers of flight: levels and immediacy of risk
  32. Fleeing risk: who flees, when and how
  33. Seeking safety: strategies in internal displacement
  34. Displacement dynamics: ostensibly random, fundamentally precarious
  35. Decision-making underpinned by the same logic
  36. Why people leave their country because of criminal violence and persecution by organised criminal groups
  37. Factors that contribute to external flight
  38. Different Levels of Risk, Different Patterns of Mobility
  39. Why Internal Displacement May Not Be Viable
  40. Personal experience of threats or violence and the decision to migrate
  41. Internal Displacement Abandoned in Favour of External Migration
  42. No Internal Displacement Before External Migration
  43. Pre-Emptive External Migration
  44. New Understanding About How Criminal Violence Causes External Flight
  45. Agency and decision-making in displacement caused by criminal violence
  46. Notes
  47. 2.Transit and trajectory through Mexico: navigating risk and finding protection
  48. Locating decisions in transit migration
  49. “I never knew we had a right to be safe”: the right to seek international protection as an influence on migration trajectory
  50. Factors that contribute to determining destination or making asylum claims
  51. Rights information, decision-making and trajectory: morphogenetic analysis
  52. Rights Information and Changes in Destination
  53. Unchanged Destination or Temporary Changes to Plans
  54. How receiving rights information during transit affects migration trajectory
  55. Risk and violence during transit and their impact on migrants’ agency
  56. Migrant experiences in southern Mexico, 2015
  57. Prior knowledge of risk during transit
  58. Criminal attacks during transit
  59. Decision-making following criminal attacks
  60. No Changes to Planned Destination Following Criminal Attacks
  61. Changes to Planned Destination Following Criminal Attacks
  62. Decision-making of those who had fled criminal violence and persecution
  63. How criminal abuse during transit affects migrant agency
  64. Decision-making in transit as part of the migration journey
  65. Notes
  66. 3.Organised crime groups as a threat to migrants during transit
  67. Locating criminal violence and abuse in the transit state
  68. Transit migration: the nature and source of vulnerability and abuse
  69. The vulnerability of people in transit
  70. Violence against migrants in transit: abuse and its systematic nature
  71. The situation in southern Mexico after Plan Frontera Sur
  72. Migrant Agency: Self-Protection Strategies
  73. Perpetrators, operational models and territorial control
  74. The state: impunity, corruption and collusion
  75. Characterising violence during transit migration as structural violence
  76. Contextual factors that enable criminal abuse during transit
  77. The development of organised crime as a structural force during transit: morphogenetic analysis
  78. First phase: organised crime evolves as structural factor in transit migration
  79. Second phase: impact of new migration controls on criminal activity
  80. The causal role of policy
  81. Criminal abuse, policy-driven harm and the role of the state
  82. Notes
  83. 4.People-smuggling through Mexico and the role of organised crime and corruption
  84. Conceptualising people-smuggling
  85. People-smuggling and state integrity
  86. People-smuggling and organised crime in Mexico and Central America
  87. People-smuggling in the region: its role and evolution 2000–15
  88. Criminal actors involved in people-smuggling
  89. The impact of Plan Frontera Sur (2014–16)
  90. Transcontinental links
  91. Migration controls and the evolution of people-smuggling and organised crime: a morphogenetic perspective
  92. The evolution of people-smuggling in Mexico and Central America: morphogenetic analysis
  93. First Phase: Post-2001 Migration Controls
  94. Second Phase: Mexican Security Policy After 2006
  95. Third Phase: The Implementation of Plan Frontera Sur in 2014
  96. Impact of migration controls on people-smuggling and related corruption
  97. Migrant agency in the context of people-smuggling
  98. Migrant agency: constrained by circumstance
  99. Migrant agency: transforming power and emergent properties
  100. First Phase: Agency Leads to Structural Elaboration in Transit State
  101. Second Phase: Agency Continues Despite Previous Structural Elaboration
  102. Impact of agency on the deployment of policy and on its efficacy
  103. People-smuggling, corruption and state integrity
  104. Notes
  105. 5.Law, policy and the state: accountability for adverse consequences, criminal activity and corruption
  106. Externalisation of migration controls under Plan Frontera Sur
  107. Developing perspectives on policy outcomes
  108. Locating understanding about the consequences of policy, the acts of non-state actors and state accountability
  109. Adverse policy outcomes and policy gaps
  110. The externalisation of migration controls and the transit state
  111. State accountability
  112. Deportations under Plan Frontera Sur: state obligations versus policy outcomes
  113. Obligations to those with potential international protection needs
  114. Implementation of Plan Frontera Sur: a morphogenetic perspective
  115. Adverse consequences of Plan Frontera Sur
  116. Deportations that may not meet legal obligations
  117. Financial incentives
  118. Implications of political pressure and financial incentives
  119. The state, abuse by organised crime and impunity
  120. State responsibility for acts of non-state actors: due diligence and beyond
  121. Morphogenetic perspective on state inaction: from tolerance to impunity
  122. Impunity and the foreseeable adverse consequences of policy: insight from morphogenetic analysis
  123. Implications of ‘collateral damage’ for notions of state accountability
  124. The state and people-smuggling: the nexus of migration and corruption
  125. Coexistence and collusion
  126. Weakened state integrity
  127. Implications of corruption for notions of state responsibility
  128. The dimensions of the state’s role and responsibility
  129. Notes
  130. Conclusions and reflections
  131. Contributions to knowledge and understanding about the empirical situation
  132. Displacement and migration caused by organised crime in Northern Central America
  133. Abuse during transit in Mexico
  134. People-smuggling through Mexico
  135. Policy and state responsibility
  136. Morphogenetic approach: a tool for analysis and synthesis
  137. Contribution to broader academic debates
  138. Agency, decision-making and displacement dynamics in forced migration
  139. Policy gaps and adverse consequences
  140. State accountability
  141. Synthesising these debates
  142. Final reflections
  143. The evolving situation in Mexico and Central America
  144. Global relevance
  145. Future research directions
  146. Notes
  147. Bibliography
  148. Index

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