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Refugee Reception in Southern Africa: Acknowledgements

Refugee Reception in Southern Africa
Acknowledgements
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table of contents
  1. Series page
  2. Title page
  3. Copyright
  4. Contents
  5. Acknowledgements
  6. List of abbreviations
  7. Introduction
    1. Disparate responses to the reception of refugees
    2. Refugee reception in Southern Africa
      1. Southern Africa as a setting for investigating refugee reception
      2. Country case study selection
      3. Potential limitations of comparative case studies
    3. The structure of the book
    4. Notes
  8. 1.  Framing refugee reception
    1. Understanding reception
      1. The ‘context of reception’ approach
        1. A multi-scalar lens
        2. Reception as a process
      2. Appraisal of the ‘context of reception’ approach
    2. How states understand refugee reception
    3. Understanding reception sites
      1. The refugee camp as a site of reception
      2. The urban space as a site of reception
      3. Links between the two reception sites
    4. The implementation of refugee reception policies
      1. Adopting the theory of norm implementation to investigate refugee reception policies
      2. A multi-scalar understanding of host states’ responses to refugees
      3. A critical reflection on the book’s conceptual framework
    5. Notes
  9. 2.  Refugee reception policies in Africa
    1. The ‘democratic-aslyum’ nexus: shifting policies to refugees in Africa
    2. The role of the global refugee regime in shaping refugee reception policies
      1. Role of the global in the reception of refugees: the refugee camp
      2. Role of the global in the reception of refugees: the urban space
    3. The security and stability nexus
      1. Security and securitisation
        1. Direct security concerns
        2. Indirect security concerns
        3. Securitisation
      2. The concept of stability
        1. The ‘problem’ of refugees and their movement
        2. Stability and the paradox of human movement
    4. Notes
  10. 3.  Investigating state behaviour towards refugees
    1. Overarching methodological stance
    2. Research design
      1. The framing exercise, September 2016
      2. The finalised research design
    3. The data collection stage
      1. Sampling for the key informant interviews
      2. The interview process
      3. Legal and policy documents
      4. Informal interviews and symposia
    4. The analysis stage
    5. Validity, ethics and reflexivity: conducting field research in Southern Africa
      1. Validity and reliability
      2. Positionality
      3. Timing of the research
      4. Ethical considerations relating to the adopted methods
      5. Limitations of the book’s research design
    6. Notes
  11. 4.  Encampment: the maintenance of a camp-based reception in Zambia
    1. The registration of refugees in Zambia
      1. Legal framework and registration procedures in Zambia
      2. Initial reception during the registration period
    2. The encampment approach in Zambia
      1. Ideational factor: the historical legacy of the national legal framework
      2. Material factor: the capacity to receive and host refugees
        1. The separation of refugees from local populations: capacity concerns in urban spaces
        2. The separation of refugees from local populations: capacity concerns in border areas
        3. The separation of refugees from local populations: creating visibility for continued international support
      3. Material and ideational factors: security
        1. Direct security concerns
        2. Indirect security concerns
        3. The construction of refugees as security risks
        4. Securitisation of the ‘opposition’ in Zambia
    3. The initial stage of reception in Zambia: a case of ongoing negotiations between encampment and urban spaces
    4. Notes
  12. 5.  Encampment: post registration in Zambia
    1. Contextualising post-registration reception in Zambia
    2. The post-registration stage in Zambia: the role of the national government and UNHCR in settlements
      1. Material factor: capacity concerns
      2. Ideational factor: the ‘regime refugee’
      3. Institutional and ideational factors: divergence and contestation in approaches to the settlements
        1. The state’s ideational approach to the settlements
        2. Contestation in UNHCR’s approach to the settlements
    3. Official access to the urban space: pathways out of the settlements post registration
      1. Gate passes and urban residence permits
      2. The management of movement
      3. The temporality of access to the urban space
      4. Institutional and ideational factors: contestation and the conceptualisation of refugee movement
        1. Line ministries
        2. UNHCR and its implementing partners
        3. Commissioner for Refugees, Zambian government
    4. Contemporary shifts in refugee policy at the local level: the Mantapala settlement
      1. Mantapala: a ‘whole of society’ approach to refugee reception?
      2. Early warning signs: material and ideational contestation
      3. Conceptualising refugees and refugee reception outside of the camp setting: a step too far?
    5. Post registration in Zambia: a global regime and the ‘regime refugee’ confined to the camp space
    6. Notes
  13. 6.  Free settlement: the maintenance of a free-settlement reception in South Africa
    1. The registration stage in South Africa
      1. Legal framework and registration procedures
      2. The initial reception at the point of registration
    2. The free-settlement approach in South Africa
      1. Material factor: contemporary movements into South Africa
      2. Ideational and institutional factors: the lack of international involvement in the initial stage of refugee reception in South Africa
      3. Ideational factors: the process of nation-building
    3. Reframing free-settlement reception: South Africa 2011 to present
      1. Material and institutional factors affecting the shift in refugee policy
      2. Ideational factor affecting the shift in refugee policy: the increased securitisation of refugees in South Africa
      3. Exclusion from the urban space
    4. The initial stage of reception in South Africa: a slow decline to a conditional and restrictive approach
    5. Notes
  14. 7.  The urban space: post registration in South Africa
    1. The national government and UNHCR in urban spaces post registration
      1. Material factor: state capacity concerns in urban spaces
      2. Material factor: the capacity of UNHCR and the global refugee regime in urban spaces
      3. Ideational factor: a ‘generous reception’ in urban spaces
      4. Ideational factor: the global refugee regime and urban refugees in South Africa
      5. The effect of national-run post-registration reception in urban spaces
    2. Contemporary shifts in refugee policy at the local level: the City of Johannesburg
      1. Decentralisation in South Africa
      2. Ideational and institutional factors at the city level
      3. Continuing contestation
      4. Shift in ideational approach at the city level
      5. Reception at the city level: a mixed bag
    3. Post registration in South Africa: a precarious relationship between long-term guest and host
    4. Notes
  15. 8.  Conclusions and ways forward
    1. Conceptualising reception in the refugee camp and urban spaces
      1. Temporary versus permanent guest status
      2. Negotiating reception: the interplay between levels of reception in urban spaces
      3. The evolving symbiotic relationship between the refugee camp and the urban space
    2. Reconsidering a norm implementation framework for refugee reception
    3. Contributions to wider debates on refugee reception
      1. Confirming the ‘democracy-asylum’ nexus
      2. The peripheral role of the global refugee regime in shaping refugee reception policies in Southern Africa
      3. Evaluating the security and stability nexus
    4. Implications for policy and practice relating to refugee reception
    5. Notes
  16. Bibliography
  17. Index

Acknowledgements

I would like to extend my deepest thanks to everyone who generously contributed to the work presented in this book. Most importantly, thank you to all in Southern Africa who gave up their precious time for a conversation or to be interviewed. I hope by disseminating my research, I can repay a small part of this debt.

A special thank you to my PhD supervisor and colleague, Professor David Cantor, who has been an exceptional mentor over the past ten years. This includes constant support and guidance, a great deal of patience, as well as opening countless career opportunities and intellectual challenges for me. Without his continued support, this book would not have been possible.

Thank you to Professor Loren Landau and Professor Jo Vearey at the African Centre for Migration and Society (ACMS) for their advice and encouragement over the last seven years. I am particularly indebted to them for their unwavering support during my post-doctoral studies.

At the University of London, Dr Sarah Singer has been a great mentor and friend. I thank Susie Reardon-Smith, for all the advice and for listening to me while walking to get coffee. I am very grateful for the funding received from the School of Advanced Study. In South Africa, I would like to thank everyone at ACMS, with particular mention to Thea, Lenore, Ingrid, Jean-Pierre, Kuda and Becky. In Zambia, thank you to Marja Hinfelaar and her team at the Southern African Institute for Policy (SAIPAR) for their advice and support. Also, to Joseph who drove me to nearly every interview.

Thank you to Professor Sue Onslow, Dr Lucy Hovil, Dr Cory Rodgers and Dr Vickie Knox for sparing time to give constructive feedback on drafts. Thank you also for feedback along the way from Dr Hagar Kotef, Dr Jeff Crisp, Professor Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Professor James Hathaway and Professor Alex Aleinikoff. Thank you to Professor Jane McAdam, Professor Guy Goodwin-Gill, and everyone else at the Kaldor Centre in Sydney for hosting me and for giving advice. My thanks to everyone else I have not been able to mention, who agreed to a coffee or a meeting. The generosity of time shown by colleagues, friends and strangers continues to amaze me.

Thank you to Megan Cartwright and Caitlin Phillips for reviewing and proof-checking numerous drafts over the years.

A special thank you to Emma Gallon at the University of London Press for her generous support throughout the publication process. Special thanks also to the anonymous reviewers of the manuscript.

I am indebted to friends and family in London, Johannesburg, Cape Town, Lusaka and Sydney who opened their homes to me over the last ten years, as well as being incredibly helpful in so many other ways. This includes Julian, Mahala, Margot, Tina, Eric, Chris, Liz, Riley and Georgia. Special thanks to Sue and Jack Maple-Foster (and family) for going far beyond any required Aunt and Uncle duties.

Finally, and most importantly, thanks to Mum, Dad, Simon and Megan for the incredible support throughout the writing of this, including the many ups and downs.

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